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Interview: Smriti Irani Exclusive On Women's Reservation Bill And Delimitation With Rajdeep Sardesai

India Today April 17, 2026 15m 2,272 words
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About this transcript: This is a full AI-generated transcript of Interview: Smriti Irani Exclusive On Women's Reservation Bill And Delimitation With Rajdeep Sardesai from India Today, published April 17, 2026. The transcript contains 2,272 words with timestamps and was generated using Whisper AI.

"Remember the numbers. It's now about the numbers. 4 p.m. tomorrow, the voting will take place on these contentious bills. The numbers at the moment make the Modi government's challenge very clear and difficult because these are constitutional amendment bills. They require two-thirds present and..."

[0:00] Remember the numbers. It's now about the numbers. [0:03] 4 p.m. tomorrow, the voting will take place on these contentious bills. [0:08] The numbers at the moment make the Modi government's challenge very clear and difficult [0:13] because these are constitutional amendment bills. [0:15] They require two-thirds present and voting to have them passed. [0:19] The current state of strength of the Lok Sabha is 540 members. [0:23] So, effectively, to pass a constitutional amendment like the Women's Reservation Bill, [0:27] the government will need the support of at least 360 MPs. [0:31] At this point, the NDA has 293 MPs, which is well short of that mark. [0:36] The India Bloc has 234 MPs, making it clear that if the opposition stays united, [0:42] it will be very difficult for the government to get these bills passed. [0:46] So, that is where the state of play is. [0:50] Time now to turn to my newsmakers tonight. [0:53] Okay, my first guest then on the big debate today on women's reservation and delimitation [1:04] is the former women's and child development minister, also BJP leader, Smriti Irani joins us. [1:11] Good to have you on the show, Ms. Irani. [1:13] The big question, the government is saying this is a moment, this is an idea whose time has come. [1:19] The opposition is saying the government is using women's reservation to actually push through delimitation [1:25] and redraw the political map of the country to their advantage. [1:30] This is not about women's reservation. [1:32] This is about redrawing the political map of the country and undermining democracy. [1:37] Your view. [1:39] The question is, when was representation, which is to be assured by parliament, [1:45] to women of this country divorced from the reality of delimitation? [1:48] In 2023, when you were women and child development, you all decided to link women's reservation [1:59] to the next delimitation after the census, which was to take place in 2026. [2:04] In 2023, Mr. Sardesai, even then the question was, when will it be implemented? [2:11] The government's position was post-census, post-delimitation. [2:14] Today, when the opposition was up in arms in 2023, insisting that it get implemented in 2029 [2:23] and wanted an assurance from the government to implement it in 2029, [2:29] why is it that now the opposition wants to walk away from that position? [2:35] The government is ensuring that it is indeed implemented in 2029, [2:41] and hence, to cede to the demand of the opposition to ensure the speedy implementation of 33% [2:48] preservation of women, it is essential that the government's constitutional position today [2:53] be supported by the opposition. [2:55] But didn't you know it in 2023 that the census and the delimitation exercise could take a very [3:01] long time and not meet the 2029 target? [3:04] Suddenly, for three years of doing nothing, then five days before Tamil Nadu and West Bengal [3:09] are going to the polls, government decides a special session. [3:12] So there are questions whether this is politically time to take electoral advantage. [3:17] Again, it's not about women's reservation, it's about political advantage. [3:22] Firstly, Mr. Sardesai, you insult the intelligence of the Indian voters, [3:26] especially in the states that you have mentioned, that they can be so swayed. [3:31] Secondly, there isn't a month in our country where we do not celebrate our democracy [3:35] or do not have some or the other of an election. [3:39] Can you please tell me in the next forthcoming five to ten years, which one quarter of our country [3:47] will never have an election? [3:49] You could have done it in the monsoon session of parliament, after the election, monsoon session [3:54] of parliament, after discussion and consultation. [3:57] What was the hurry, the urgency that we've got to have a special session on the 17th and 16th to 18th of April? [4:04] This could easily be done in the monsoon session. [4:06] Which election is, post which, how many elections are around the corner, Mr. Sardesai? [4:11] Next year in February. [4:15] How many other elections are around the corner? [4:18] Next year in February is the next round of elections. [4:20] What is the guarantee? [4:21] What is the guarantee? [4:23] Then the opposition does not stand up and say, let this election go through. [4:29] Can you give me guarantees on behalf of the opposition? [4:32] I can give you no guarantee, all I'm questioning is the timing and the intent. [4:37] That's what the opposition is questioning, timing and intent. [4:40] Allow me, sir. [4:42] What is the guarantee? [4:43] What is the guarantee that once the census which is underway is completed, [4:48] this very opposition will accept the data that comes forth [4:51] and will not cast aspersions on the data? [4:57] Can you please guarantee me? [4:58] Ma'am, you make the point that can the opposition give any guarantees. [5:03] Let me flip that. [5:04] You're actually raising a point which is important, [5:07] the mistrust between the opposition and the government. [5:10] So here's a simple solution. [5:12] Tomorrow morning, government says, forget delimitation, forget census, [5:15] 543-member parliament, 181 seats are being reserved for women [5:19] and it will be done on 2029. [5:22] Easiest way. [5:23] Why is the government reluctant to do that now? [5:25] Mr. Sardesai, your position is, [5:28] hence the government should absolutely reject constitutional provisions [5:33] your position is, the government should reject constitutional procedures. [5:39] Your position is that the government should reject the maryada of the constitution [5:44] and take the Rajdeep Sardesai formula and help it implement. [5:49] No, this is not a Rajdeep Sardesai formula. [5:51] This is the same formula which in 2010 was used. [5:54] 543 seats, it was passed in the Rajya Sabha, one-third will be for women. [5:58] I'm saying tomorrow morning it will end all the mistrust on both sides. [6:04] How will you redraw constituencies without delimitation? [6:09] You can do it without delimitation. [6:10] And allow women to have. [6:12] That's exactly why, Mr. Sardesai, [6:14] since you do not respect constitutional positions and procedures, [6:19] thank God you're not the Prime Minister of India. [6:21] No, I'm not. [6:22] But I'm asking you a simple question. [6:24] Instead of 850 seats and increasing Parliament, [6:27] in the present Parliament itself, [6:29] what happens if one-third are reserved for women? [6:31] That's the commitment that both sides should show. [6:36] Either I can answer or you can pontificate. [6:39] No, please go ahead. [6:43] The question is this. [6:44] Is there a procedure under which the 33% reservation for women [6:48] is to be implemented? [6:49] Yes. [6:51] Are constituencies to be redrawn through delimitation? [6:54] Yes. [6:54] Is there a data subset that a government needs to depend on? [6:59] Yes. [6:59] Is that data available to the government? [7:02] Yes. [7:03] Is that data being proffered by this government? [7:06] Or is the legacy of the UPA led by the Congress Party? [7:10] So if this government is showing faith in a census [7:17] which was undertaken by a Congress-led government, [7:20] I do not know why then the opposition hankers so. [7:25] The fear is not the census of 2011. [7:29] The real fear, I sense, is delimitation. [7:32] Redrawing of maps. [7:33] You've already seen the southern states saying they will lose out. [7:36] And the fear is of gerrymandering that constituencies [7:39] will be redrawn to favour the government of the day. [7:41] My second question is this. [7:44] Not at all. [7:44] You have the Prime Minister and the Home Minister [7:46] giving assurances on the floor of the House [7:48] and their word has been upheld on the floor of the House [7:53] assuring that no state, no community will be disenfranchised. [8:01] That is a position the government has clearly taken. [8:04] The opposition says, look at Assam and Jammu and Kashmir. [8:08] The constituencies have been redrawn to favour the government. [8:10] Their fear is you want to redraw, I repeat, [8:13] the political map of the country under the guise of women's reservation. [8:18] Mr. Sardesai, their fear is that they are already unpopular. [8:22] There will be opportunities for them to be unpopular even more. [8:27] Can I ask you this, ma'am? [8:30] Not the position of the government. [8:32] Sir, allow me to finish. [8:34] From what I have heard, it is not the position of the government [8:37] that any political party is constrained from fighting from any seat in the country. [8:45] So, is the opposition of the position [8:47] that the delimited status of constituencies today [8:51] has historically favoured the opposition? [8:57] Is the opposition's position today [8:59] that when they were in power, they redrew constituencies [9:04] so that it politically favours them [9:08] and hence is fearful that others will follow suit? [9:13] Spriti Irani, the point, the point, ma'am, Spriti Irani, is I come back to it [9:19] because of the level of mistrust, you need an alternative formula. [9:23] Now, there are two alternatives. [9:24] I am saying existing 543, reserve one third. [9:28] You're saying that's not possible, that's constitutionally not possible. [9:32] But it's very easy. [9:33] It's a very easy, that's the easiest thing to do. [9:36] You'll agree with that? [9:38] Do you agree that's the easiest thing to do? [9:40] But democracy and the constitutional processions [9:42] that the government has to serve [9:44] is not easy. [9:48] It has to be thoughtful and purposeful [9:50] and work within the confines of [9:52] what is the government's constitutional responsibility. [9:56] You talk, Mr. Sardesai, about mistrust [10:03] between the government and the opposition. [10:06] As a citizen, let's answer. [10:09] How can you trust an opposition [10:10] that wanted the government [10:13] to implement 33 present reservation in 2020 [10:16] in 2023 [10:17] but reverses his position in 2026? [10:20] No, but both sides have gone and reversed it. [10:24] You've also said earlier you had agreed [10:26] that it would be the census and delimitation of 2026. [10:29] Now you're going back to 2011. [10:31] So it's not as if only one side [10:33] is reversing its position. [10:34] Let's be very honest about that. [10:36] The fact is that it seems almost [10:38] as if the government wants a quick fix formula. [10:40] Answer this one question of mine. [10:42] Answer this one question of mine. [10:44] Has the government taken a position [10:46] that will not depend on census? [10:50] No. [10:51] Has the government changed its position [10:54] that will not depend on delimitation? [10:56] No. [10:58] And thus my request to you, [11:00] get me a guarantee from the opposition [11:02] that this census which is opposition [11:11] and they will not cast aspersions on any data, [11:14] on any intent of any constitutional body. [11:19] Ma'am. [11:20] Can you give me that guarantee, sir? [11:22] Ma'am, I am no one to give any guarantees [11:24] that is for the leaders of political parties [11:26] to give guarantees. [11:27] Sir, the only guarantee today I have as a female citizen [11:34] is that there is a bill before both the government [11:42] and the opposition in the parliament of India. [11:45] Yes. [11:48] And it is the responsibility of every political party [11:53] to ensure that political equity [11:55] is given to women of this country. [11:58] Yes. [11:58] So, I mean, there are various ways [12:00] in which you can give political equity [12:02] without necessarily having to, [12:04] necessarily having to redraw the political map [12:07] of the country. [12:08] Sir, the only way, [12:09] the only way this will get done, [12:11] yes, sir, please allow me, Mr. Sardesai, [12:14] the only way this will get done [12:15] is through the constitutional way [12:17] so that it can never be challenged [12:19] in the Supreme Court. [12:21] You're offering formulas [12:23] so that there is such a disassociation constitutionally [12:27] so that some Tom Dickin political Harry [12:30] will get up tomorrow [12:31] and challenge that methodology in the Supreme Court. [12:34] What the government is doing today [12:37] is constitutionally proven procedures. [12:44] You know, you're saying that [12:45] that is a constitutionally proven procedure. [12:48] I took you back to 2010 [12:49] when the bill was passed in the Rajasabha, [12:52] one-third of 543 were to be reserved for women. [12:55] Sir, for the bill to be passed, [12:57] sir, since you want me to go back to 2010, [13:00] firstly, tell your viewers [13:01] that without the BJP, [13:02] it could have never passed the Rajasabha. [13:04] Second, I can never have a government [13:07] implement a bill that is only passed in Rajasabha. [13:10] Bills which passed in both [13:12] Lokasabha and Rajasabha are implementable, sir. [13:17] So, I'm saying, [13:18] why don't you want to go back to 2010? [13:20] It's the easiest formula. [13:21] That's all I'm saying. [13:22] Please don't be so dewy-eyed. [13:24] It would only have been practical [13:25] to implement such a proposal [13:27] if it had passed both houses of parliament. [13:29] So, now my question is this. [13:32] Why didn't then the Congress-led UPA [13:35] pass it in Lokasabha where it had the strength [13:36] when it knew that BJP in opposition [13:39] is supporting it in Rajasabha? [13:42] If this was genuinely the intent [13:44] of the opposition? [13:45] Okay. [13:47] Can I... [13:47] Good question, [13:49] which the Congress should answer, [13:50] but can I therefore ask you [13:51] one final question? [13:53] As one of the leading women politicians, [13:56] I saw... [13:56] I was looking at the numbers [13:57] of the last Lokasabha, 2024. [14:00] Your party gave 16, [14:01] won 6% of the seats to women. [14:04] 69 seats. [14:05] The Congress gave 13%. [14:07] Most parties gave single-digit percentages. [14:10] Do you believe that the real problem is [14:12] that we have a male-dominated political system [14:15] that simply still will do all it can [14:17] to resist genuine women's empowerment? [14:20] My answer to that is this, [14:23] that it is a male president [14:24] of the Bharatiya Janata Party [14:25] that passed 33% reservation [14:27] for women within the BJP, [14:30] while a party, [14:31] one of the oldest political organizations [14:33] in the country [14:34] with a female president [14:35] could not manage it. [14:36] Well, they passed 33% reservation [14:38] for panchayats [14:39] when Rajiv Gandhi was prime minister. [14:41] So, they could say [14:42] they started this process. [14:44] In that case, [14:45] in that case, [14:46] sir, [14:46] let me say this. [14:47] They had an historical [14:48] six-decade opportunity. [14:51] Why is it that [14:52] they denied women of this country [14:53] political equity [14:54] for six decades? [14:56] My other thing, [14:57] my other position is this, sir. [15:00] It is a male prime minister today [15:01] who is pushing for this legislation [15:04] so that it's implementable in 2029, [15:08] while we've had a UPA chairperson [15:10] who was female in gender, [15:12] who had the historic opportunity [15:14] of passing it in Lok Sabha [15:15] and did not. [15:17] Okay. [15:18] Smriti Irani, [15:19] combative as ever, [15:20] good to see you [15:21] and thank you very much [15:22] for joining me.

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