About this transcript: This is a full AI-generated transcript of NewsConference: Will SCOTUS side with Trump over birthright citizenship stance? from NBCLA, published June 29, 2026. The transcript contains 1,057 words with timestamps and was generated using Whisper AI.
"Some big cases coming up this next week from the United States Supreme Court. Joining us is Jessica Levinson, who teaches election law at Loyola Law School. So, Jessica, always a delight to see you. So, this past week, the court came down with a couple of decisions, a number that were big wins for..."
[0:01] Some big cases coming up this next week from the United States Supreme Court.
[0:04] Joining us is Jessica Levinson, who teaches election law at Loyola Law School.
[0:08] So, Jessica, always a delight to see you.
[0:10] So, this past week, the court came down with a couple of decisions,
[0:14] a number that were big wins for the Trump administration on immigration,
[0:18] on gun rights, on protecting corporations from liability.
[0:24] Is there a possibility that the chief justice did this on person?
[0:29] It was sort of strategic to set them up with the whole big wins
[0:32] because there could be a big loss as early as Monday or Tuesday on birthright citizenship.
[0:40] So, I suspect that birthright citizenship isn't the only big loss
[0:44] that the Supreme Court is going to hand to the Trump administration next week.
[0:49] We should, of course, remember that when it comes to those two cases
[0:53] or three cases that you were mentioning before,
[0:55] when it comes to the immigration cases,
[0:57] when it comes to the case dealing with Monsanto,
[1:00] those are issues of statutory interpretation.
[1:03] And to the extent that people believe that the Supreme Court
[1:07] is granting the president too much power,
[1:09] Congress has the ability to change that.
[1:12] There's nothing in those decisions that says
[1:15] that the president must have that authority constitutionally.
[1:19] Now, getting to next week,
[1:20] I think that the Trump administration will suffer some losses.
[1:23] One, the birthright citizenship case,
[1:26] I think that that could be an 8-to-1 or 7-to-2 loss for the Trump administration.
[1:32] We can talk about why.
[1:34] And I also think the Trump administration is going to lose
[1:36] on one of the big executive power cases
[1:39] dealing with the ability of any president
[1:42] to fire or remove the head of the Federal Reserve.
[1:47] When it comes to the Federal Reserve,
[1:49] I think what the court is going to say is that the four-cause standard
[1:53] is actually narrower than what the president has advocated for.
[2:00] So I think the two big executive power cases will probably be split.
[2:04] I think they'll win the case dealing with the Fair Trade Commission
[2:07] and lose the case dealing with the Federal Reserve.
[2:10] Well, let's get back to birthright citizenship.
[2:12] 8-to-1, that would be remarkable.
[2:14] Why?
[2:14] It would be, for a couple of reasons,
[2:17] because I think there's two routes for the Supreme Court.
[2:20] If they don't want to rule based on the Constitution,
[2:23] based on our understanding of what the 14th Amendment says
[2:27] and that birthright citizenship clause,
[2:29] which for centuries we have understood to mean
[2:32] if you're born on U.S. soil,
[2:35] then the immigration status of your parents doesn't matter.
[2:38] If they don't want to go that route,
[2:40] then I think there's an easier route,
[2:41] which is to say that Congress passed a statute
[2:44] that essentially just codifies or all but copies
[2:48] what the birthright citizenship clause says.
[2:51] And one easy route for the court is to say
[2:54] there's a separation of powers concern here.
[2:57] You cannot, by executive order,
[2:59] change a piece of congressional legislation.
[3:03] And that's where I think you could get a lot of buy-in
[3:06] across the ideological divide on the court.
[3:08] Let's talk about one other issue that relates
[3:11] to the counting of ballots after the election.
[3:14] Now, the court could say, listen,
[3:17] you can't count any ballots after election day.
[3:19] Election day means election day.
[3:21] Do you anticipate that decision having a major impact
[3:25] on the November election in California?
[3:28] So I think that that decision is going to go away
[3:31] the way that you suspect it will,
[3:33] which is it's a question of federal preemption.
[3:36] And what the court is, of course, doing is looking
[3:39] at the federal law that defines election day.
[3:41] And then they're looking at whether states like California,
[3:44] the case is coming out of Mississippi,
[3:46] but it would obviously affect California's law,
[3:48] whether states can say that there's a grace period,
[3:51] meaning you have your ballot postmarked by election day,
[3:55] but it isn't received until some time period after.
[3:58] The real question as to how much impact
[4:01] this will have on the midterms,
[4:03] if the court, in fact, does say these grace periods
[4:06] are invalid under federal law.
[4:08] The real question, I think, is how quickly states
[4:10] can ramp up their educational campaigns
[4:13] of telling people, you used to think you had more time
[4:16] than you do, get that ballot in early
[4:18] or go to a voting center or drop your ballot off
[4:22] at one of the ballot drop boxes.
[4:24] The question, I think, legally for the court is,
[4:27] will they call into question early voting?
[4:30] And my strong suspicion is that they don't.
[4:32] They say voting includes up until election day,
[4:35] but not just election day.
[4:37] And finally, Gavin Newsom had a bit of a problem,
[4:40] a bit of a dilemma.
[4:41] He tried to keep off the ballot the wealth tax
[4:44] targeting billionaires for November in California,
[4:47] but he was unsuccessful.
[4:49] And as a result, he believes that tax
[4:51] is going to be a real problem for the state revenue
[4:54] in the future, which is why he's opposed to it.
[4:57] But that puts him in the camp of the one percenters
[5:00] who will be campaigning against this wealth tax.
[5:03] That's not a good look if you want to be
[5:05] the Democratic nominee for president in 2028.
[5:07] And I think it puts him in the position
[5:10] of having to make an argument that, unfortunately,
[5:13] now is increasingly hard to make.
[5:15] And that means an argument that has subtlety and nuance.
[5:17] And what he has to say is,
[5:19] I'm not as a policy matter
[5:21] against taxing very, very wealthy high earners.
[5:26] The issue here is it just doesn't make sense
[5:28] for California.
[5:29] And then he can say, because it's a one-time tax,
[5:32] because it actually would not help
[5:33] in the mid and long term.
[5:36] Of course, the problem with that explanation,
[5:38] I think, is that what people hear is,
[5:40] oh, you're against taxing billionaires.
[5:42] Why are you against taxing billionaires?
[5:44] People have to listen to the second sentence
[5:47] and the third sentence.
[5:48] And then I think, you know,
[5:49] he does have an argument to be made here
[5:52] as to why this tax,
[5:54] while it might bring that spike in revenue,
[5:56] it's really not good long-term policy.
[5:59] Jessica Levinson of Loyola Law School,
[6:01] thank you very much for taking the time.