Senate Judiciary Committee Holds Hearing on the Muslim Brotherhood in America

[6:45] Good afternoon. This hearing is called to order. [6:50] This hearing is focused on hidden in plain sight, [6:55] confronting the Muslim Brotherhood Network in America. [7:00] You may notice that there are empty chairs on the Democrat side of the dais. [7:07] The American people should ask themselves why not a single member of the minority [7:12] decided that a hearing on terrorism was worth their time. [7:17] It is an embarrassment and a disservice to the thousands of American victims of the Muslim Brotherhood, [7:28] including most recently the dozens of Americans who died on October 7th [7:34] at the hand of Gaza's Muslim Brotherhood branch, Hamas. [7:41] Beginning in the 1990s, America has endured a litany of terrorist attacks that we must never forget. [7:49] The first World Trade Center bombing, the Khobar Towers bombing, [7:57] the East Africa Embassy bombings, the bombing of the USS Cole, and of course, September 11th. [8:10] Yet as America prepares to confront Muslim jihadist terrorists overseas, [8:15] a different challenge was already emerging, [8:19] one that did not seek to conquer America through military force, [8:25] but through a long-term influence campaign from within. [8:28] In 1991, the Muslim Brotherhood drafted what became known as the Explanatory Memorandum, [8:37] discovered by FBI investigators in 2004 in Annandale, Virginia, [8:42] just across the river from where we sit today. [8:47] The memorandum described what it called a, quote, [8:50] civilizational jihadist process in North America. [8:56] And it explained that process in unmistakable terms. [9:01] It declared that the Brotherhood's work in America was, quote, [9:07] a grand jihad in eliminating and destroying the Western civilization from within [9:14] and sabotaging its miserable house by their hands and the hands of the believers. [9:23] But the memorandum did not stop at simply describing an objective. [9:28] It also explained how to get there. [9:29] It called on the Brotherhood to, quote, [9:34] master the art of coalition building [9:37] and to, quote, absorb, contain, and cooperate [9:42] with the existing Islamic organizations [9:45] in order to advance its mission in North America. [9:50] History has taught Americans the danger [9:52] of dismissing determined jihadist movements [9:55] because their ambitions seem too extreme to be real. [10:02] The present members of this subcommittee will look at two questions. [10:06] First, how the Muslim Brotherhood built its network in America. [10:13] And second, what that network looks like today. [10:17] The Muslim Brotherhood spawned Hamas, [10:20] influenced the ideology of al-Qaeda, [10:23] and gave rise to multiple terrorist organizations. [10:28] Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and now the United States [10:32] have all designated the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization. [10:38] One of President Trump's most important national security accomplishments [10:41] in the culmination of a decade-long effort [10:46] that I've been proud to lead in Congress [10:48] through repeated legislative measures. [10:50] But what is less known is the Muslim Brotherhood's network [10:57] right here in the United States. [11:01] In 2008, the Holy Land Foundation, [11:05] then the largest Muslim charity in America, [11:07] was convicted on 108 counts of funneling money to Hamas, [11:15] laundering funds, and tax fraud. [11:17] Five of its leaders received sentences of up to 65 years. [11:26] Let me say that again. [11:29] The largest Muslim charity in America in 2008 funded Hamas. [11:35] The same Hamas that murdered over 1,200 innocent Israelis, [11:40] as well as civilians from 52 other countries on October 7th. [11:44] The same Hamas that kidnapped children, [11:47] that raped women and little girls, [11:50] that held innocents hostage, including dozens of Americans. [11:54] The Holy Land Foundation trial produced an extraordinary body of evidence. [12:00] Wiretaps, internal memos, organizational charts, [12:04] meeting transcripts, laying bare the Brotherhood's sprawling American infrastructure. [12:13] Most importantly, prosecutors identified what they alleged [12:17] was a broader network of organizations operating within the United States. [12:23] That list included the Islamic Society of North America, [12:29] the North American Islamic Trust, [12:31] and most notably, the Council on American Islamic Relations, CARE. [12:36] These organizations did not appear overnight. [12:42] They began on college campuses in the 1960s. [12:45] They were built patiently over decades through exactly the kind of institution building [12:52] and coalition building described in the explanatory memorandum. [12:57] Now let's look at the Muslim Brotherhood Network today [13:03] and its influence in the United States today. [13:05] In fact, just yesterday, Abdul El-Sayed, [13:13] the son-in-law of a leading member of several Brotherhood groups, [13:19] won Michigan's Democrat primary for U.S. Senate. [13:24] Perfect timing for this hearing. [13:26] Probably explains why no Democrats are here and none intend to attend. [13:33] Because their campaign is now openly embracing [13:36] terrorist organizations waging war on America. [13:41] Behind El-Sayed's political rise [13:45] sits a much older and more entrenched institutional network. [13:51] At the center of this sprawling network [13:53] is the Council on American Islamic Relations. [13:57] CARE was founded in 1994 by Brotherhood affiliates. [14:03] Omar Ahmed and Nihad Awad, two of CARE's founders, [14:08] were both captured on FBI wiretaps [14:10] at the 1993 Philadelphia meeting, [14:13] where Brotherhood leaders plotted to undermine [14:17] the Oslo peace process [14:18] and rallied broad support for Hamas in the States. [14:24] Months later, CARE emerged as a non-profit. [14:28] Many people associated with CARE [14:32] have actively aided terrorism and criminal efforts. [14:38] For example, senior CARE official Ghassan Elashi [14:42] was sentenced to 65 years for funneling over $12 million to Hamas. [14:50] Randall Royer, a former CARE communications specialist, [14:56] served 13 years for helping friends join the Taliban. [15:02] Bassem Kafagi, CARE's former community affairs director, [15:07] was deported after pleading guilty to fraud. [15:12] And Muthana Al-Hanuti, former CARE Michigan director, [15:18] was convicted in 2011 for violating U.S. sanctions. [15:22] This pattern is not a coincidence. [15:26] The Holy Land Foundation prosecution revealed [15:28] that these organizations did not operate in isolation. [15:32] They functioned as part of a broader Muslim Brotherhood ecosystem. [15:37] When one organization collapses, another quickly emerges, [15:42] often led by many of the same individuals. [15:47] Consider the Islamic Association for Palestine, or IAP, [15:53] one of the original Brotherhood organizations [15:55] identified during the Holy Land Foundation trial. [15:59] After IAP was driven into bankruptcy [16:01] through civil liability for supporting terrorism, [16:06] its leadership did not disappear. [16:10] They simply reappeared elsewhere. [16:14] Rafiq Jabir, IAP's former president, [16:19] became a founding board member of CARE. [16:23] Osama Abur-Shayed, [16:25] once employed by two Brotherhood organizations, [16:28] including IAP, now leads American Muslims for Palestine, or AMP. [16:36] Salah Sarsour worked for IAP before later joining AMP's board. [16:43] He was recently arrested by ICE. [16:46] The names change, the nonprofits change, [16:50] but the people and the mission remains remarkably consistent. [16:55] UAE rightly designated CARE as a terrorist organization in 2014, [17:00] more than a decade ago. [17:01] My home state of Texas has done the same. [17:05] Today, this network sustains itself [17:08] through interlocking nonprofit organizations, [17:12] advocacy groups, litigation, political organizing, [17:16] and taxpayer-funded grant programs. [17:20] They file lawsuits. [17:22] They lobby legislatures. [17:24] They train activists. [17:26] They organize on college campuses. [17:28] They challenge school curricula and school policies. [17:32] They conduct media campaigns and public advocacy. [17:38] And they win statewide Democrat primaries, [17:41] as recently as just yesterday. [17:46] Consider how CARE's leaders responded after October 7th, [17:51] when Hamas murdered more than 1,200 innocent people in Israel, [17:55] the deadliest massacre of Jews since the Holocaust. [18:00] CARE's executive director and co-founder, Nahad Awad, [18:04] declared publicly that he was happy to see people breaking the siege. [18:09] Happy at that horrific terrorist attack. [18:15] Children murdered in their cribs. [18:20] And Nahad Awad was, quote-unquote, happy. [18:25] I can't even share the photos and video footage that I have watched of what transpired on October 7th, [18:33] because watching it will make you physically sick. [18:36] On the very day that Hamas carried out its massacre, [18:41] Zahra Ballou, executive director of CARE's San Francisco chapter, [18:45] celebrated the attacks by posting, quote, [18:49] We are witnessing decolonization. [18:52] Months later, she referred to Hamas leader Ismail Hanaye as a martyr. [19:00] CARE California CEO, Hussam Alush, said, quote, [19:04] Israel should be attacked. [19:10] Understand, terrorists slaughtered entire families, kidnapped children and grandparents, [19:18] raped women, and burned civilians alive in their homes. [19:24] How do we know this? [19:26] Because they recorded it themselves. [19:29] In many instances, the terrorists took video footage of their heinous act, [19:34] gleefully screaming, Allahu Akbar. [19:37] They were proud of their barbarism. [19:43] And CARE supported the attacks on Israel. [19:48] CARE did not merely issue statements. [19:51] They assisted the broader Muslim Brotherhood network [19:54] as it coordinated legal support and strategic guidance [19:57] for the violent campus encampments and riots at over 100 campuses around the country. [20:06] The stories on college campuses were horrific. [20:09] At the University of Washington, the granddaughter of Holocaust survivors was called names, [20:18] spit at, laughed at, and told to, quote, [20:22] Go back to the gas chambers. [20:25] Not a lot of subtlety and nuance in that one. [20:30] At Columbia, when Jewish students were engaged in a patriotic display [20:35] of waving the American flag and the Israeli flag, [20:38] an extremist posed with a poster saying, [20:42] Al Qasem's next target. [20:47] Al Qasem is the military arm of Hamas, [20:51] responsible for conducting its terrorist organizations. [20:56] Extremists are literally calling and advocating for the death of Jewish students on campus. [21:02] And by the way, the extremist who was in that photograph was not from the Middle East. [21:09] She was not Palestinian. [21:10] She was a pretty blonde girl from Georgia who went to Columbia to be radicalized by zealots who hate America. [21:22] The situation got so bad that the Orthodox rabbi on campus, Rabbi Eli Buchler, [21:30] had to make this public statement, quote, [21:32] The events of the last few days have made it clear that Columbia University's public safety and the NYPD [21:40] cannot guarantee Jewish students' safety in the face of extreme anti-Semitism and anarchy. [21:49] I would strongly recommend you return home. [21:55] That is a university that is failing its most basic mission, [21:59] which is to protect the safety of the students enrolled at that university. [22:04] The events we witnessed on college campuses after October 7th did not emerge from nowhere. [22:13] They were not spontaneous. [22:14] They were not organic. [22:16] They were the product of an organized network that has spent decades building influence inside the United States. [22:26] Just look at this dais. [22:28] My Democrat colleagues have chosen not to participate. [22:31] That's their right. [22:32] But an oversight hearing that one of the two major parties refuses even to see [22:39] is exactly the outcome these organizations that we're discussing have spent 40 years working to produce. [22:53] My promise to the American people is to hold accountable those who finance and support terrorism on American soil, [23:01] no matter how many tax exemptions, charitable registrations, or civil rights letterheads they hide behind. [23:08] Now we're going to turn to the witnesses who are here today. [23:18] Our first witness is Laura Burns. [23:22] Laura Burns is the head of terrorism research at the Program on Extremism at the George Washington University. [23:30] She is a distinguished attorney and retired federal agent with more than 23 years of experience [23:35] leading teams in complex international terrorism investigations. [23:40] At the outset of her career as an FBI special agent, Ms. Burns led the Department of Justice's largest terrorism financing prosecution, [23:49] the United States v. the Holy Land Foundation, [23:53] which led to the conviction of some of Hamas' top fundraisers in America. [23:58] She was later hand-selected to serve as an FBI special assistant U.S. attorney in the Northern District of Texas [24:05] assigned to the National Security Section, where she litigated a variety of federal criminal cases. [24:11] Ms. Burns was then appointed as an FBI supervisory special agent [24:16] and the International Terrorism Program Coordinator for the FBI's Dallas Office counterterrorism program in 2015. [24:24] She retired from the FBI in April 2023 and joined the program on extremism in May of 2024. [24:31] Our second witness is Ariel Klepock. [24:36] Ariel Klepock currently serves as senior litigation counsel at the National Jewish Advocacy Center. [24:43] Through her work, she has studied Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated entities in the United States, [24:48] their tactics, and their activities to best understand how to curb the influence of this nefarious network. [24:56] Prior to her current role, Ms. Klepock was an assistant U.S. attorney [25:01] in the special prosecution sections of the United States Attorney's Office for the Southern District of Florida. [25:07] Before joining the U.S. Attorney's Office, Ms. Klepock was an assistant district attorney [25:13] at the Manhattan District Attorney's Office. [25:17] Ms. Klepock earned her law degree from Columbia Law School, [25:21] where she graduated as a James Kent Scholar and a Harlan Fisk Stone Scholar. [25:26] She received her undergraduate degree from the University of Pennsylvania, [25:29] where she graduated magna cum laude with a B.A. in International Relations and a minor in International Development. [25:36] And our third witness is Mr. Kyle Scheidler, who is the director and senior analyst for Homeland Security and Counterterrorism [25:45] at the Center for Security Policy, where he conducts research and analysis on domestic threats to the U.S. homeland, [25:53] with an emphasis on the doctrines which fuel terrorism and shape the variety of kinetic and non-kinetic threats to America's security. [26:01] He is brief senior U.S. government personnel, members of Congress, federal and state local law enforcement officers, [26:08] and he has testified before the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee, the Subcommittee on the Constitution, [26:14] and the Canadian Senate Standing Committee on National Security and Defense. [26:19] Mr. Scheidler served as an expert witness in the first federal terrorism trial against members of Antifa. [26:26] He is the author of Modern Minutemen, Vital Considerations to Secure America's States in the 21st Century, [26:33] and Understanding Black Identity Extremism, Considerations for Law Enforcement. [26:39] And he is the editor of Unmasking Antifa, Five Perspectives on a Growing Threat, [26:44] and a contributing author to Saudi Arabia and the Global Islamic Terrorist Network. [26:51] Finally, Mr. Scheidler is a graduate of Boston University and was a Lincoln Fellow with the Claremont Institute. [26:57] And Ms. Burns, we'll start with you. You are recognized for your opening statement. [27:03] Chairman Cruz, members of the committee. [27:05] And actually, let me stop you for a moment, and I want to ask each of you to rise and be sworn in. [27:12] If you may each stand and raise your right hand. [27:16] Do you swear that the testimony you're about to give before this subcommittee is the truth, [27:20] the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? [27:26] All of you have answered affirmatively. You may be seated, and Ms. Burns, you may give your opening statement. [27:33] Chairman Cruz and members of the committee, thank you for the opportunity to testify. [27:38] Hi, my name is Laura Burns, and I am a retired FBI Special Agent and a Senior Research Fellow [27:43] with George Washington University's Program on Extremism. [27:47] A dangerous myth about foreign terrorist organizations persists in the United States [27:52] that the infrastructure supporting them exists only overseas. [27:56] In reality, these support infrastructures have existed inside the U.S. for decades. [28:03] They operate through financial, propaganda, and organizational support networks [28:08] and commonly hide under the cover of charity, advocacy, or activism. [28:14] The 2008 trial and conviction of the Holy Land Foundation and its officials exposed a broader, [28:20] long-running network in the United States tied to Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood. [28:25] Evidence presented at the HLF trial included documents and wiretaps collected by the FBI [28:30] for over a decade outlined a structured Palestine Committee originally made up of front groups [28:36] just as or such as the HLF, the IAP, and the UASR, which worked together to provide financial, [28:43] media, and political support to Hamas. [28:45] In 1993, leaders of the Palestine Committee held a meeting known as the 1993 Philadelphia Meeting, [28:50] which was lawfully wiretapped by the FBI. [28:54] There, members of the Palestine Committee defined the scope of the conspiracy, [28:58] which included supporting Hamas abroad and infiltrating universities, media, and politics here in the U.S. [29:04] Why? [29:05] To begin normalizing Hamas and Muslim Brotherhood extremist ideology in American society. [29:11] They stated, quote, [29:12] They also noted their intent to cleanse the curriculum in U.S.-based K-12 schools because, quote, [29:22] We don't want our children growing up surrendering to the idea of peace with Jews. [29:27] Their words. [29:28] They recognized Hamas would be designated a terror organization, and they risked exposure. [29:33] They agreed to continue to pursue their agenda by cloaking themselves under the cover of legitimacy. [29:38] Evidence emerged at the trial that showed it was out of this conspiratorial meeting that CARE was created [29:45] to protect the other elements of the Hamas support network. [29:49] The network vigorously pursued its agenda. [29:52] Each part had its own role. [29:54] The HLS role in the conspiracy, before it was designated as a terror front in 2001, [30:00] was to send money to Gaza and the West Bank to support the Hamas social infrastructure. [30:04] The IAP's role was to disseminate Hamas propaganda here. [30:08] And CARE's role in the conspiracy was to defend and protect the other elements of the Hamas support network [30:15] and to pressure others to adopt its narratives or remain quiet. [30:20] Regarding the last point, in the 1993 Philadelphia meeting, [30:23] this network of individuals, in effect, plotted to silence the free speech of those who disagreed with them [30:29] via intimidation. [30:30] Specifically, meeting attendees agreed that they must, quote, [30:34] pressure others to adopt their narratives or remain neutral. [30:38] It should be noted that a co-founder of CARE, Nahad Awad, was an active participant [30:42] in this conspiratorial meeting, and he remains the executive director of CARE to date. [30:48] Elements within this network have evolved and rebranded, [30:50] and CARE's pressure tactics are still in play. [30:53] CARE and other elements of this network appear to have continued their acts [30:57] in furtherance of the conspiratorial agenda, as detailed extensively in my written testimony today. [31:03] For decades, narratives have been intentionally seeded into public discourse [31:07] that portray terrorist organizations as resistance movements, [31:10] excuse acts of violence, and intimidate critics into silence. [31:14] On college campuses, in activist spaces, and across social media, [31:18] slogans and rhetoric that once existed on the fringes have become normalized. [31:21] And too often, people who raise concerns are immediately labeled hateful, intolerant, [31:27] or extremists themselves. [31:28] But free societies cannot function when intimidation replaces debate. [31:33] The First Amendment protects speech. [31:35] It protects dissent. [31:36] It protects protests. [31:37] But it does not protect material support to terrorism. [31:40] It does not protect criminal conspiracies. [31:43] And it does not require Americans to ignore evidence introduced in federal court [31:47] simply because that evidence is politically uncomfortable. [31:49] The history of this network is not in question. [31:52] It was made public decades ago, but few paid attention. [31:56] Now is the time to pay attention and understand the facts. [31:59] The lesson from history is clear. [32:01] Terrorist organizations do not survive on violence alone. [32:04] They survive through networks that raise money, shape narratives, [32:07] recruit supporters, and legitimize extremism. [32:10] If we fail to recognize how those networks evolve and adapt, [32:14] we will continue fighting yesterday's threats [32:16] while tomorrow's are being built in plain sight. [32:18] Our greatest vulnerability is not a lack of information. [32:23] It is a failure to act on what decades of evidence have already revealed. [32:27] Thank you very much. [32:28] Thank you, Ms. Burns. [32:30] Ms. Klepak, you're recognized for your opening statement. [32:33] Thank you. [32:34] Chairman Cruz and members of the committee, [32:35] thank you for the opportunity to testify today. [32:38] My name is Arielle Klepak, [32:39] and I am Senior Litigation Counsel at the National Jewish Advocacy Center [32:43] and a former federal prosecutor. [32:46] When someone tells you who they are, believe them. [32:49] The Muslim Brotherhood told us their strategy for the West, [32:52] but don't take my word for it. [32:54] They put it on paper. [32:56] In 2004, the FBI seized a memorandum from the home of Muslim Brotherhood member [33:00] and Hamas U.S.-based archivist Ismael ElBarase. [33:04] The memo written in 1991 described the work of the Muslim Brotherhood in the United States [33:09] as, and I quote, [33:10] a kind of grand jihad in eliminating and destroying Western society from within. [33:17] In 1993, after the announcement of the Oslo Peace Accords, [33:21] a peace agreement between the Israelis and the Palestinians, [33:25] Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas members met in Philadelphia [33:28] to discuss their plan to thwart the agreement. [33:31] The FBI wiretapped the meeting, [33:33] where the participants suggested the creation of a neutral-sounding organization [33:37] for the purpose of deceiving Americans. [33:40] That organization is the Council on American Islamic Relations, or CARE. [33:44] 35 years later, their plan is working just as designed. [33:47] This is not a relic of the 1990s. [33:50] It is a foreign terror-supporting movement on American soil [33:53] targeting our Constitution and our founding principles. [33:56] I would ask you to remember three things. [33:59] These organizations are dangerous, [34:01] they are in our schools, [34:02] and they hide by abusing the very legal system they are working to dismantle. [34:07] CARE and its officials platform and maintain relationships with designated terrorists. [34:12] Not then, but today. [34:15] Here are just a few examples. [34:16] One, in 2025, the Executive Director of CARE Ohio moderated an event that featured a member of Hamas. [34:23] CARE called it an oversight. [34:25] Two, the International Union of Muslim Scholars, or IUMS, [34:29] founded by the now-designated foreign terrorist organization, [34:33] the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, amplifies CARE's work. [34:36] This amplification is ongoing. [34:39] This is the CARE content that is on the IUMS website today. [34:42] Three, CARE's current Executive Director and 1993 meeting participant, Nihat Awad, [34:48] has appeared at IUMS events, [34:50] eulogized a U.S.-designated terrorist who was also Osama bin Laden's spiritual leader, [34:55] and openly celebrated Hamas' murder of civilians. [34:59] Second, they are in our schools. [35:01] CARE New Jersey pushed their revisionist version of a 9-11 curriculum [35:05] to nearly 30 public school districts that reframed the attacks as a predictable consequence of U.S. foreign policy. [35:12] Imagine the kids in all those school districts walking around learning and believing that 9-11 was our fault. [35:19] Other CARE curricula warned teachers not to say radical Islamic terrorism, [35:23] and CARE boasts of its partnership with Chicago public schools, one of the largest in the country. [35:29] Indoctrinating our children into believing that terrorism is justified resistance [35:32] is the antithesis of everything this country stands for. [35:36] Third, they abuse the legal system to shield themselves from discovery. [35:40] For example, in Texas, where CARE is challenging its terrorist designation, [35:44] they have repeatedly resisted turning over discovery the judge has ordered them to produce. [35:49] The state has had to file four different motions to compel the discovery [35:54] that CARE was already ordered to produce by the judge. [35:56] When a former board member publicly exposed that CARE was receiving foreign funding [36:02] through the Washington Trust Foundation and hiding it from its own board, [36:05] CARE sued her for defamation, then dropped the suit the moment the discovery turned to its donor records. [36:11] And in Virginia, CARE's affiliate organization, American Muslims for Palestine, [36:15] was held in civil contempt for defying the Virginia attorney general in a fraud investigation. [36:21] In Illinois, the same lawyers were ordered to pay attorney's fees [36:24] for engaging in, quote, baseless discovery disputes [36:27] in litigation that they have already dragged on for nearly 20 years. [36:31] So what can we do? [36:33] Thankfully, most of what is needed is simply to enforce the laws we already have. [36:37] Treasury sanctions, material support and racketeering investigations, [36:41] and IRS review of these so-called charities that were never legitimate in the first place. [36:46] Those steps are detailed extensively in my written testimony. [36:48] But if I leave you with one legislative fix, let it be this. [36:52] Close the successor organization loophole. [36:55] When the Boyan family won a $156 million judgment [36:58] for Hamas' murder of their American teenage son, [37:01] the defendants dissolved and reappeared within a year under a new name. [37:05] An entity found liable for material support should not escape by renaming itself, [37:09] forcing both terror victims and the courts to play whack-a-mole for decades before achieving accountability. [37:15] The Muslim Brotherhood told us who they are. [37:17] They told us that they wanted to infiltrate American universities, [37:20] media outlets, and research centers, and that is exactly what they've done. [37:24] They teach our kids that 9-11 was our fault. [37:27] They legitimize terrorism as justified resistance. [37:29] And they abuse our legal process so that those who seek to expose them for who they really are, [37:35] Muslims included, are silenced. [37:36] We haven't been listening, and Americans pay that cost every day. [37:40] We have the tools to fix this, and we must continue to act. [37:43] Thank you. [37:45] Thank you. [37:46] Mr. Scheidler, you're recognized for your opening statement. [37:48] Chairman Cruz, distinguished senators, I'd like to thank you for the opportunity to testify today. [37:54] Because our court system is built on certain fundamental principles, including trial by jury, [37:59] the government's burden of proof in criminal matters, and the right to confront one's accusers, [38:03] courts, both civil and criminal, have been at the center of revelations of great consequence [38:07] to our republic and its national security. [38:09] Examples include the Chamber-His case and its famous pumpkin papers, [38:13] exposing the role of the Communist Party of the United States in Soviet espionage, [38:17] or the 1957 Appalachian-New York raids, which convinced the federal law enforcement of the [38:22] existence of the American mafia. [38:25] To these, we must add, United States v. Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development, [38:30] prosecuted almost two decades ago, which exposed the existence and extensive reach of the Muslim [38:34] Brotherhood in America since its arrival in 1962. [38:37] Evidence submitted during that trial demonstrated that not only was the Muslim Brotherhood operating [38:42] in America, but that the Brotherhood played a singularly important role in providing indoctrination, [38:47] financing, and political protection for jihadist terrorism. [38:51] Founded in Egypt by Hassan al-Banna in 1928, from its very beginning, the Muslim Brotherhood [38:56] has operated as a clandestine organization, which engages in the creation of public front groups, [39:01] cultivates agents of influence, seeks control over religious institutions, [39:05] and engages in acts of political subversion, as well as creating deniable sub-organizations [39:10] devoted to terrorism, all in pursuit of their ultimate goal, the overthrow of governments [39:15] and the re-establishment of a worldwide caliphate operating under Islamic law. [39:20] It is worth recalling that the government demonstrated that the U.S. Muslim Brotherhood, [39:24] like all Brotherhood branches worldwide, created and funded Hamas support networks known as [39:28] Palestine Committees at the direction of the International Muslim Brotherhood, beginning in 1983. [39:33] The most infamous Palestine Committee organization in the United States, CARE, was so significant [39:39] that its creation and bylaws received the explicit approval of the Muslim Brotherhood leadership in [39:44] Egypt. HLF documents and related cases reveal that at one time, one in every four American mosques [39:50] was under the influence of the Hamas-linked North American Islamic Trust. Brotherhood members, [39:55] including some convicted of terrorism charges, such as Samuel Arian and Abdur-Othman al-Amodi, [40:00] regularly worked to influence leaders of both American political parties. Organizations affiliated [40:06] with the Brotherhood have recruited and trained chaplains for American prisons and the American [40:10] military. Brotherhood organizations operate on nearly every college campus in the United States [40:14] and have regularly recruited young American Muslims and led them to commit acts of terrorist violence. [40:20] In short, the issue of the U.S. Muslim Brotherhood is not merely a counterterrorism issue, [40:24] but it is also a systemic counterintelligence challenge. And even more broadly, it is a [40:29] challenge to the fabric of the United States and its ability to seek assimilation and social cohesion. [40:36] In the HLF case, the United States government achieved an unparalleled intelligence coup, [40:41] and yet almost none of this information was put to substantive further use. HLF would be the last [40:46] domestic Muslim Brotherhood charity designated by the U.S. Treasury Department. There were no further [40:51] prosecutions for material support. It was the equivalent of cracking the Enigma Code in 1939 [40:56] and then never decoding another Nazi message. In 2008, the U.S. government had in its possession [41:02] the name and rank of most leading Muslim Brotherhood figures in the United States. I would encourage the [41:07] senators to demand, in an appropriate classified setting, that U.S. intelligence deliver the same [41:12] levels of insight into Brotherhood operations today. The federal government's disinterest in the [41:18] challenge of the Muslim Brotherhood has largely been answered by private efforts at the local and [41:22] state level. These have included educational efforts, but also legislative and judicial responses. [41:27] More than half a dozen state legislatures have passed resolutions condemning care. [41:32] Two states, Florida and Texas, have publicly declared the group a terrorist organization. [41:36] Some state attorneys general are currently pursuing investigations into Brotherhood-linked entities. [41:41] There have been efforts in federal court to enforce federal court judgments against elements of the [41:45] Palestine Committee, as well as lawsuits seeking to expose the role of foreign funding in care. [41:51] Unfortunately, in multiple cases, as was already outlined, Brotherhood affiliates have successfully [41:55] utilized lawfare to avoid complying with discovery. Critics will claim that the data derived from the [42:02] HLF case and related cases are decades old. This is true, but it's also misleading. When studying [42:08] clandestine networks, one must realize that they are established over many decades, as trained cadre move [42:14] through positions of trust in the network's various fronts. Such individuals are not easily replaced, [42:20] and they will regularly reappear. A historic snapshot of such a network and the players in it, [42:26] far from being irrelevant, is a crucial piece of the puzzle, prized by both intelligence practitioners [42:31] and historians. In conclusion, it is those who insist that the Brotherhood is a leopard who has somehow [42:37] changed its spots, who should be the ones required to meet the burden of proof, because the U.S. [42:42] government has already proved beyond a reasonable doubt what the Muslim Brotherhood is. [42:49] Thank you. Thank you to each of you for your testimony, which was highly enlightening. Ms. Burns, [42:56] I want to start with you. Thank you for your work defending the safety of all Americans. [43:01] We are indebted to you for your 23 years of service. As the lead investigator and prosecutor in [43:07] the Holy Land Foundation investigation and prosecution, you have become deeply knowledgeable [43:13] on the Muslim Brotherhood network operating in America. I want to start with a fundamental [43:19] question. What should Americans be worried about, about the Muslim Brotherhood? Thank you for the [43:28] question. I think Americans need to understand the extent of the threat that this movement poses and the [43:37] extent of their ability to achieve their goals and their patience in obtaining success in this. The strategy [43:45] that they have set in place involves the erosion of our democratic principles. It involves the erosion [43:52] of our personal freedoms. It involves the erosions of the very principles upon which this country was [43:59] created. And the individuals within this network do not have a deadline. If it takes them 100 years to [44:08] achieve this goal, they will steadily pursue it. That is something that I think in general Americans have a hard [44:15] time understanding. It is the stamina that this network possesses and the lethality that exists within [44:22] it. Because ultimately, their goal is to erode our society and turn it into something that none of us want [44:31] or need. In the Holy Land Foundation prosecution, how many entities did the government identify as [44:39] unindicted co-conspirators and joint venturers? I don't remember the exact number, but it was hundreds. [44:46] Do you believe some of these groups were likely providing material support to terrorists? I do. [44:57] And are some of these groups still in existence today? Yes, sir, they are. Do you believe they are still [45:03] actively members of the Muslim Brotherhood Network? I do. Is the conspiracy under which the Holy Land [45:11] Foundation was prosecuted still in existence today? I believe that it is. To understand what got left [45:19] on the table after the Holy Land Foundation prosecution, we have to look at who was in the room [45:25] at that Philadelphia meeting in 1993. CARE was named as an unindicted co-conspirator in the Holy Land [45:33] Foundation prosecution, correct? Yes, it was. Has CARE, to your knowledge, [45:40] ever formally disavowed the Holy Land Foundation? No, they have not. CARE was founded by Omar Ahmed [45:48] and Nahad Awad. Both men were captured on FBI wiretaps at that infamous meeting where Hamas operatives [45:57] discussed strategy on U.S. soil. Is that right? That's correct. Nahad Awad is still the executive [46:04] director of CARE today. Is that right? He is. So when CARE tells this Congress it has no ties to Hamas, [46:14] the documented record says otherwise. Is that correct? That is correct. Agent Burns, if you were [46:22] still an active FBI agent today, with the evidence you developed in the Holy Land Foundation prosecution, [46:29] would CARE be on your list of organizations warranting further investigation? It would. Ms. Burns, [46:38] this is a letter that I sent to the FBI requesting the release of non-classified materials seized during [46:49] the 2004 search of Ismail ElBarassi's home in Annandale, Virginia. To date, I have not received [47:00] those documents. This letter was sent on April 16, 2026. Ms. Burns, are you aware of anything unusual [47:08] with the search of ElBarassi's home that you would like to share with this committee? [47:12] The search of ElBarassi's home revealed a massive amount of documentation, what we call the archives of [47:22] Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood in the United States. It was the documents and video and audio [47:28] tapes were, as seen in exhibits that were put forth in the Holy Land Foundation trial, groundbreaking in [47:35] the understanding of this Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas network here. And they are key to understanding [47:41] the extent and scope of this network. And am I correct that CARE showed up during the search [47:48] of ElBarassi's home and attempted to obstruct the seizure of the documents? Yes, sir, they did. [47:56] If the FBI released the non-classified documents tomorrow from the search, would the public understand [48:04] this network better than it does today? I believe that the release of those documents, [48:11] which would provide the ability for those of us who understand this network to conduct a full analysis, [48:17] that we could use that to provide education to the general public about what this network really is. [48:24] All right, Mr. Scheidler, let's turn to you. How long have you studied the history and activities of [48:30] the Muslim Brotherhood? Since about 2007-2008. Actually, with the rise of the Holy Land Foundation trial, [48:39] it really piqued my interest. And it's fair to say it changed my entire career trajectory. [48:44] Do you believe that there is a Muslim Brotherhood branch operating in the United States? Yes. [48:50] Are there ever instances where the Brotherhood groups engage in America in acts of violence? [48:57] Yes, there are. I would include individuals associated with Brotherhood-linked mosques [49:03] who have engaged in acts of terrorism. I would include individuals associated with Muslim students [49:09] associations, dozens of which have committed acts of terrorism. I would also include the role in the [49:16] promotion of rioting and civil disorder conducted by groups like Students for Justice in Palestine [49:22] and the Palestinian youth movement. What you've described is exactly why I introduced the Stop [49:29] Funders Act, which would add rioting to the RICO predicate offenses so that the Justice Department [49:36] can reach the entities that fund and coordinate these riots. Do Brotherhood groups in America also [49:44] participate in electoral and coalition politics? Yes, sir, they do. Is that consistent with the Tom Keen [49:53] framework described in the explanatory memorandum, working through existing institutions rather than [49:59] displacing them? Yes, sir. As you described, it is a process of settlement by which they are creating [50:05] and seizing control of institutions which they can then use to continue to build their efforts. [50:11] Does Abdul El-Sayed's candidacy for senator in Michigan concern you? Yes, sir, it does. Why is that? [50:17] Well, to begin with, I look at the connections that his father-in-law, Chakaku Taib, [50:23] has two Brotherhood-linked groups. This includes being the president at one time of CARE Michigan, [50:29] also his presence on the Islamic Society of North America Founders Committee, which is only for those [50:35] most exclusively devoted to ISNA and provides significant amounts of funding. There are other [50:41] known Brotherhood members on that committee. I would also look at El-Sayed's ties to a group called [50:47] M-Gage, which purports to be a Muslim sort of get-out-the-vote or candidate recruitment organization, [50:55] but it has close ties to CARE. It was created by a former CARE member who at one time was on a terror [51:00] watch list and was also a consultant to convicted terrorist Samuel Arion. Do you believe the Islamic [51:11] Society of North America, or ISNA, is an ongoing part of the Muslim Brotherhood network in the United [51:17] States? Yes, sir, I do. There were some HLF documents that reflected hesitation by the Brotherhood that [51:23] they thought perhaps they were losing control of ISNA at one point, but they appear to have rectified [51:28] that. As far as I can tell, there are still individuals associated with the Muslim Brotherhood [51:34] who are in high leadership positions with that organization, and they have never repudiated [51:38] their ties to the organization. Does the Muslim Brotherhood also partner with political groups [51:44] such as the Democratic Socialists of America? Yes, sir, they do. Would you agree that this alliance [51:51] between the Muslim Brotherhood and the DSA, otherwise known as the Red-Green Alliance, is based on a shared [52:00] hatred of America, Israel, Western civilization writ large, capitalism and democracy? Yes, sir, I would, [52:11] and I would go further as to say it's also united around a revolutionary objective advocating for the [52:17] overthrow of the U.S. Constitution. Ms. Claypock, let's move to you. Thank you for being with us today, [52:28] and thank you for your work confronting the contemporary Muslim Brotherhood network in court. The historical [52:34] record is damning, but I'd like to turn to what's being done about it today. The Muslim Brotherhood's [52:42] ties to terrorism are ongoing today, not just historical, is that right? Yes, that's right. And [52:49] yet, Brotherhood groups still meet with members of Congress and are treated as a civil rights [52:56] organization, is that right? Yes. In your litigation work, have you found that Brotherhood-affiliated [53:03] entities share leadership, funding, or infrastructure across organizations that hold themselves out to [53:10] the public as separate and unrelated? That's correct. For example, the Islamic Association for Palestine, [53:17] after it was shut down, after being sued and a judgment of $156 million entered against it, [53:24] shut down with the same leaders and created a new organization called American Muslims for Palestine. [53:30] Another example is CARE and its relationship with the Washington Trust Foundation. [53:35] The Washington Trust Foundation is actually, back in 1994, it was originally incorporated as CARE, [53:42] and now the Washington Trust Foundation serves essentially as a real estate holding entity [53:47] that, per its own 990s, exists for the purpose of supporting the CARE Foundation today. [53:53] Well, and that's why I introduced the Sponsor Act, which would hold tax-exempt fiscal sponsors liable [54:01] for what their sponsored entities do. The loopholes and the manipulation of our tax code needs to end. [54:08] Ms. Klepak, since approximately 2022, have state and federal grant programs become a primary source [54:18] of financial support for significant portions of the CARE ecosystem? That's correct. I believe it was [54:25] about $54 million in federal grant money was received by CARE California. There has been testimony in other [54:34] Senate Judiciary subcommittees relating to that funding and CARE's misuse of that funding. [54:44] You mentioned CARE California. In 2024 IRS findings, [54:48] filings, CARE California reported distributing more than $4 million in subgrants to 39 other organizations. Is that right? [54:57] Yes. Roughly 185,000 of that went to California chapters of the Muslim American Society, [55:05] an organization that George Washington University's program on extremism identifies as a brotherhood [55:11] legacy group. Is that right? That's right. And federal prosecutors also called the Muslim American [55:17] Society the overt arm of the Muslim Brotherhood in the United States. And the American taxpayer is [55:24] effectively footing the bill for this. That's right. So the taxpayer funds it and then the taxpayer is [55:32] told it's none of his business what is done with that money. Let's talk about what happens when someone [55:38] actually tries to look. Do you believe brotherhood affiliates have developed effective tactics for [55:44] obstructing any investigation into their activities? Yes, they have. Let's discuss a real world example. [55:53] Is it true that more than two years after the Virginia attorney general issued its civil [55:58] investigatory demands into AMP in October of 2023, AMP has still not complied with substantial portions [56:07] of those demands? That's correct. That kind of stonewalling is not unique to AMP. It's the brotherhood [56:17] playbook. In your estimation, do you believe Treasury should investigate CARE for maintaining [56:25] relationships with designated terrorists? I do. And do you believe that when the Founders [56:32] drafted the First Amendment that propping up and shielding the Muslim Brotherhood from scrutiny is [56:39] what they had in mind? No. The rights afforded under the First Amendment are not absolute and the Supreme [56:45] Court has said in Holder versus Humanitarian Law Project that speech at the direction of or in [56:51] coordination with a terrorist organization can constitute material support for terrorism under the statute. [56:59] Mr. Scheidler, in your judgment, why should Americans be worried about the Muslim Brotherhood [57:04] network in America? Well, I would point to the influence that the Muslim Brotherhood has had [57:10] in elements of our foreign policy, including key Brotherhood members playing a role in lobbying in the [57:18] United States, leading us into the intervention in the Libyan Civil War and in the Syrian Civil War, [57:24] interventions which resulted in, for example, using Yousef al-Qaradawi in Qatar as an intermediary for our [57:32] negotiations with the Taliban. They had a tremendously negative effect on our foreign policy and also on [57:39] our domestic counterterrorism policy, looking at influence with law enforcement and the like, preventing the [57:46] investigation into their friends in the Muslim Brotherhood. Is the Muslim Brotherhood network in America a foreign [57:54] threat, a domestic threat, or both? It's both. They both operate at the direction of individuals overseas, [58:02] as well as having now, at this point, multiple generations of Brotherhood members who have grown [58:07] up as American citizens and are U.S. persons. Ms. Burns, based on your decades of investigative [58:15] experience, is the threat of the Muslim Brotherhood in America growing or shrinking? It is growing. Ms. [58:25] Kleypak, to what degree has the Muslim Brotherhood infiltrated the American education system? Should [58:32] should parents sending their children to American public schools and universities be worried about [58:37] the Muslim Brotherhood? I believe they should be. In addition to the CARE New Jersey curriculum [58:44] that I mentioned in my opening statement, CARE has also attempted to or initiated relationships with [58:50] other public school districts, such as in Philadelphia, I believe also in Delaware. As I mentioned, they also [58:55] boast of their partnership with Chicago public schools. The type of rhetoric that is being taught and [59:01] promoted in their curriculum is incredibly dangerous and antithetical to Western values. [59:05] In your work, have you seen this network specifically target young Americans because they're easier to [59:13] influence than adults? Yes, of course. If you teach an elementary schooler that about 9-11 and teach them [59:20] that it was our fault, they're not going to know any better. And of course, as has already been testified by the [59:26] other witnesses on the panel, we've seen the infiltration of the Muslim Brotherhood network [59:31] on college campuses, exactly as the Muslim Brotherhood set out to do in that 1993 meeting when they said [59:37] that they would infiltrate American universities specifically. Ms. Kleypak, following the letter [59:44] that Senator Cotton and Representative Stefanik sent to the Department of Treasury in October 2025, [59:50] requesting an investigation into CARE's ties to Hamas, CARE responded by claiming that a federal [59:56] appeals court had ruled the government's identification of these groups as co-conspirators [1:00:01] was unconstitutional. Is that characterization accurate? No. In fact, I believe the language of [1:00:07] the district court in the ruling upholding the unindicted co-conspirator list was that there was ample [1:00:13] evidence to support both CARE and NAIT and other organizations' inclusion on that list, and that ruling was [1:00:19] upheld, I believe by the Fifth Circuit. In fact, as you just noted, the Fifth Circuit did the opposite, [1:00:28] affirming the district court's decision to deny CARE's motion to strike its name from the unindicted [1:00:33] co-conspirator list. Is that right? Yes. And that ruling, finding sufficient evidence of CARE's involvement [1:00:40] in the conspiracy as the successor organization to the Islamic Association for Palestine, has never been [1:00:47] reversed. Is that right? I believe that is the ruling that found that CARE's inclusion on the [1:00:53] unindicted co-conspirator list was valid and not unconstitutional. I don't believe that that has [1:00:59] ever been overturned. So when CARE tells the public and tells Congress that a federal court vindicated it, [1:01:08] that claim is a lie, is it not? It is. Agent Burns, CARE and other Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated [1:01:17] groups have long referred to the convicted Holy Land Foundation defendants as political prisoners, [1:01:24] implying that they were imprisoned for their beliefs. Based on the trial record you helped build, [1:01:31] is that an accurate description? It is completely inaccurate. Labeling prisoners as political [1:01:37] prisoners does as you say. It implies that there was no due process, that people are imprisoned because [1:01:43] of their beliefs or merely because of their speech. And in this instance, the Holy Land Foundation and [1:01:49] five of its officers were tried by a jury of 12. Jurors who were hand-selected by the prosecution and the [1:01:56] defense who found, the jurors who found, beyond a reasonable doubt, that these individuals and the [1:02:04] organization committed the crime of providing material support to terrorism under 18 U.S.C. 2339 B. [1:02:11] and then the defense appealed that judgment on many grounds to the Fifth Circuit and the Fifth Circuit [1:02:20] examined all of those issues and wrote a lengthy, almost 100-page opinion addressing those issues and [1:02:28] affirming the convictions. And then the defendants applied for certiorari with the Supreme Court who denied [1:02:35] it. Therefore, they received exactly what our Constitution provides due process and expended all of their efforts [1:02:47] challenging that. So I would say that that is an absolute mischaracterization of those individuals in that entity. [1:02:54] And isn't it true that those men were convicted by a jury on all counts after weeks of testimony, wiretaps, [1:03:04] financial records, establishing that they knowingly funneled money to a designated terrorist organization? [1:03:10] Yes. Mr. Scheidler, how important is the Brotherhood Network operating inside the United States [1:03:18] to the Brotherhood's global agenda? I would say it's probably central to their efforts. [1:03:25] While they have influence in other countries that is perhaps more significant, [1:03:29] the importance of influencing the United States is preeminent. [1:03:35] Let's turn to the American Muslims for Palestine. Ms. Klepak, there are serious allegations that [1:03:41] AMP is effectively the alter ego of the Islamic Association for Palestine, the original Hamas [1:03:49] propaganda front in the United States. Is there evidentiary support for that? [1:03:53] Yes, there is. That case is currently in litigation and scheduled to go to trial in February of next year. [1:04:01] The district court judge in that case ruled against, I ruled against AMP, excuse me, [1:04:09] in multiple motions to dismiss, claiming that there was insufficient evidence of alter ego status. [1:04:14] Mr. Scheidler, are there individuals who move directly from IAP, UASR or HLF into leadership roles at AMP? [1:04:24] Yes, there are. As you name some of them, Osama Abu Arshad, who was not just at IAP, [1:04:30] but he was also at the United Association for Studies and Research, which was really the [1:04:35] Hamas think tank of its time. It was created by Hamas foreign affairs leader, Abu Marzouk, [1:04:42] and led by Ahmed Youssef, who was sort of the Hamas political consultant. [1:04:48] And isn't it true that AMP's current executive director, Osama Abarshad, previously worked for both IAP and the [1:04:57] United Association for Studies and Research, which were two of the original Hamas-linked organizations [1:05:03] in America? [1:05:04] Yes, that's correct. [1:05:05] And in April 2024, Mr. Abarshad stood on George Washington University's campus at a student protest [1:05:13] and said in substance that the movement would take back these colleges like it will take back America, [1:05:21] like it will take back Palestine. Mr. Scheidler, does rhetoric like that also inform how we should [1:05:27] understand Hamas's own intent for the network it built here in America? [1:05:31] Yes, it does. [1:05:35] We were talking about Abdul Al-Sayed, now the Democrat nominee for U.S. Senate in the state of Michigan. [1:05:45] Among other things, Mr. Al-Sayed has campaigned alongside Hassan Piker, [1:05:52] a radical left-wing Islamist who has said, among other things, America deserved 9-11. [1:06:03] Mr. Al-Sayed was very proud to stand next to Hassan Piker. [1:06:07] I want to ask each of the three witnesses, do you believe America deserved 9-11? [1:06:16] No, sir, it did not. Al-Qaeda committed the acts that we saw on 9-11. [1:06:22] Al-Qaeda hijacked commercial airliners and flew them into the World Trade Center [1:06:27] and into the Pentagon and attempted to fly another plane and kill more civilians. [1:06:32] They killed 3,000 civilians. And for anyone to claim that any one of those civilians or [1:06:38] individuals who died in that atrocious terrorist attack deserved it is shameful. [1:06:44] Ms. Claypock. [1:06:45] Absolutely not. And the reframing of 9-11 as something that is a consequence of U.S. [1:06:51] foreign policy in the Middle East is an incredibly dangerous rhetorical tool that the Brotherhood [1:06:56] has used. And we've seen that rhetorical tool extend even beyond to Mr. Al-Sayed's statements about [1:07:03] even the recent terrorist attack against a preschool in Michigan. [1:07:07] Mr. Scheidler. [1:07:08] I have to concur its horrific statement. Final question. What does it say to you that today's [1:07:19] Democrat Party is proudly supporting Mr. Al-Sayed as a Michigan U.S. Senate candidate and will funnel money, [1:07:32] support and advocacy behind his candidacy, notwithstanding his willingness to embrace [1:07:42] someone like Hassan Piker who says America deserved 9-11? Mr. Scheidler? [1:07:47] Well, I would say it shows the success of the Muslim Brotherhood Network over [1:07:52] multiple decades that they achieved what they said they were going to achieve, which was to normalize [1:07:58] support for Hamas and normalize support for terrorism. [1:08:02] Ms. Claypock. [1:08:04] I would concur with that. The classification of this hearing and this endeavor as Islamophobic says a lot [1:08:15] about the failure of one party in this country to confront the terrorist threat that faces our nation. [1:08:22] I would say that the most Islamophobic or racist thing about this endeavor is the fact that the [1:08:27] Democrats can't look at terrorists because they purport that it reflects all Muslims. [1:08:32] Ms. Burns? [1:08:33] I would say that embracing Muslim Brotherhood rhetoric and furthering the Muslim Brotherhood's agenda [1:08:42] in this country will resort in the erosion of our government, the erosion of the fabric of our [1:08:49] society, and it poses a threat to our national security and should be treated as such. [1:08:58] Well, I want to thank each of the witnesses for your testimony. It was highly enlightening, [1:09:02] and I hope that the administration listens to your testimony carefully, and I hope we see real action [1:09:10] from the Department of Justice, the Department of Treasury, the FBI, and elsewhere following up [1:09:15] and protecting the American people from what I believe is a clear and present danger to our safety [1:09:21] and security. This concludes our hearing. Written questions can be submitted for the record until [1:09:27] Tuesday, August 12th at 5 p.m., and I will ask the witnesses to answer and return any questions to [1:09:34] the committee by August 26th at 5 p.m. And with that, this hearing is adjourned.