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US naval blockade explained: legality, risks & impact on global shipping routes

April 13, 2026 5m 1,154 words
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About this transcript: This is a full AI-generated transcript of US naval blockade explained: legality, risks & impact on global shipping routes, published April 13, 2026. The transcript contains 1,154 words with timestamps and was generated using Whisper AI.

"listed in maritime law and security at the University of New South Wales. And she's also a former naval officer. She joins us now live from Canberra in Australia. Jennifer, thanks for being with us here on Al Jazeera. We appreciate your time. Let me ask you first, how would the U.S. Navy carry out..."

[0:00] listed in maritime law and security at the University of New South Wales. And she's also [0:03] a former naval officer. She joins us now live from Canberra in Australia. Jennifer, thanks for being [0:09] with us here on Al Jazeera. We appreciate your time. Let me ask you first, how would the U.S. [0:14] Navy carry out this blockade in practical terms? And what are the legal concerns? Would this [0:20] potentially break maritime law? Hey, thanks for having me on. Now, I'll address the legal concerns [0:28] first. Now, the U.S., Israel and Iran are in an international armed conflict. So when you're [0:32] in an international armed conflict, the conduct of that conflict is governed by both international [0:37] humanitarian law, law of armed conflict, and a subset of that, which is the law of naval warfare. [0:42] Now, in an international armed conflict, a blockade is a legal method of war. So naval blockades are [0:48] lawful in that context. But there are certain conditions. So the first one is that it can't [0:53] adversely impact neutral states. So they couldn't blockade the Strait of Hormuz, for example, [0:58] because that would impact the states inside of the Persian Gulf. Two, you need to allow food through [1:04] and you can't adversely impact the civilian population. You can't starve out the civilian [1:08] population. Three, and this is important, it needs to be impartial. So you'll note that when CENTCOM [1:13] have announced this blockade, different to President Trump's comments, they have said it will apply to any [1:18] ship of any flag going in and out of Iran. And that's important. It has to be impartial for [1:23] it to be a lawful blockade. So for all of those reasons, this is actually a lawful method of [1:28] warfare to generate economic leverage in a conflict. Jennifer, I've seen some analysts already saying [1:34] that this blockade or threat to blockade, that it may not affect more than a handful of vessels [1:39] that are still attempting to navigate the Strait, at least for now. Is that take in line with your [1:44] thinking? Look, it'll affect any vessels that do try and take goods out of Iran, including oil, [1:52] any vessels that try and resupply Iran. And you've got to think about in this conflict, [1:57] the US has not stopped Iranian oil flowing. In fact, the Strait hasn't been closed. Shipping [2:02] has been deterred from going through. But normally you'd have 130 ships going through a day. We [2:06] haven't seen that. We've averaged three and a half ships a day. But of the ships that have gone [2:10] through in the last six weeks, it's been about 130. Most of those have been ships going to and from [2:15] Iran. Now, the US has allowed that to happen. In fact, early in this conflict, [2:19] the US reduced sanctions on Iranian oil. So this is about applying freshers. So it will be any ships [2:24] that are coming out of Iran or going in. The second objective of it is there have been rumours [2:28] around, certainly reported in some US media, that China or certainly US intelligence thinks that [2:33] China is going to try and resupply Iran with anti-air missile defence, so shoulder launch missiles, [2:40] for example. Now, this would stop any military resupply of Iran by countries such as Russia and China [2:46] through the maritime domain. Now, how many vessels it will be, it really depends on how many vessels [2:50] try and run that blockade. It is important that the US has said that this will be any vessel of [2:55] any flag trying to do that. We can see from those two examples I've given, they're trying to isolate [3:01] Iran from any military resupplies and trying to put economic pressure on Iran by intercepting oil [3:06] flows and other things. Jennifer, are there risks at this stage that the US could intercept the vessel [3:11] of nations that aren't involved in the conflict? And what would that mean? So the US will likely [3:18] intercept vessels of nations that aren't involved in a conflict. Now, again, under a blockade law, [3:24] any vessel going to and from that country, no matter where it's registered, no matter where it's flagged, [3:29] is allowed to be stopped and boarded and searched. So there are a number of either flags of convenience, [3:35] so ships flagged to countries that have no real connection, or ships flagged to countries that are [3:41] friendly with Iran that do supply Iran. So it's not just Iranian ships, it will be any ship of any [3:46] flag going to and from Iran. Now, of course, there is the risk there of escalation. But I would say [3:53] that without applying some degree of pressure on Iran, and this is a much better option than [3:57] bombing Iranian infrastructure, for example, that would have long term economic impacts that would, [4:03] you know, struggle to rebuild it. This is a way of putting pressure on Iran to achieve those aims [4:08] that the US stated in the first week of the conflict. Jennifer, you say, of course, [4:11] there is risk of escalation. Based on that, do you think that at this stage, most shipping companies [4:16] would basically rather wait and see if there's any kind of tentative peace agreement before they [4:21] attempt to navigate the strait? Well, I think it's kind of two different elements. I don't think [4:26] the shipping companies will be concerned about the US's announcement of a blockade. I actually think [4:31] that most shipping companies will find this positive. The reason shipping companies have not been [4:36] going through the strait is not because it's closed. It is not closed. It's not blockaded by [4:39] Iran. But because they've assessed that the risk is too high. To encourage ships to go through that [4:44] strait, the US needs to be able to reassure them that it's safe to do so. The transit of the two [4:49] destroyers on Sunday was part of that reassurance campaign. Getting mine clearance assets in that [4:54] strait, whether there are or are not mines there, will also be part of that. And communicating to the [4:58] shipping community of what is going on will be part of that. So I actually think the general [5:03] international shipping community is probably quite happy about this announcement as opposed to [5:06] concerned. Will that mean you see ships going through the strait? No. I think that there are [5:11] a number of layers of that reassurance campaign. But if we continue to see US naval presence, if we [5:16] don't see any more Iranian attacks on merchant shipping, if the US manage to either confirm there's [5:22] no mines or clear mines, that's when you'll start to see ships start to flow back through. And so I think [5:26] this was an important step in that reassurance campaign. All right. Jennifer Parker is a specialist in [5:32] maritime law and security at the University of New South Wales. She's also a former naval officer. [5:37] She's joining us there live from Canberra in Australia. Thanks so much, Jennifer.

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