Trump approval, inflation & more: This week's Enten stat compilation

[0:00] Hey friends, I do a lot of segments during the week, so if you missed any, I compiled them all [0:04] in one place right here. Enjoy. If inflation is so important as an issue, as a political issue, [0:11] how do they think the president is doing on it? Yeah, it is the number one issue, [0:14] the number one issue. It's the number one financial issue. It's the number one issue [0:17] folks saying it's facing their families right now. And Donald John Trump is in the worst position [0:22] he has ever been on inflation. And more than that, these are the worst numbers I've ever seen [0:27] for any president. I mean, just look at this, look at this. According to Ipsos, look at this, [0:31] net approval rating on inflation. We got the latest poll out. He's 49 points underwater. [0:36] That means that 49% more of the public disapproved than the proof of the job he's doing. [0:41] I went back. You remember Joe Biden. Inflation absolutely crushed his presidency. But at his [0:47] worst, according to Ipsos, he was just 43 points underwater. So Trump is lower now on inflation [0:52] than Joe Biden ever was, according to Ipsos. And I will note that the inflation rate [0:56] rate right now is only about a third as it was back in June of 2022. Yet Trump's numbers [1:03] are significantly worse than Biden's ever were. Even though inflation was like at 9% this month, [1:08] they still think Trump is doing a worse job on it than Biden ever was. Correct. [1:12] That is staggering. Okay. So when you think of presidents and inflation, [1:15] the one that comes to mind is Jimmy Carter. That was when inflation was really stratospheric. [1:19] So how does Trump compare to Carter on those numbers? Yeah, these are really stunning numbers [1:23] right here. But what about James Earl Carter, right? You think of inflation as Johnny B was [1:28] talking about. You think about inflation sinking presidencies. You think of Jimmy Carter. But just [1:32] look here. Okay. If we look right now at we're talking about net approvals on inflation, this number [1:38] should actually be 46 percent, minus 46. And if you look at this, though, even if I raise it a little [1:45] bit and I correct my error right here live on air, we're talking about minus 46 points versus minus 49 points. [1:51] Donald Trump is in worse position on inflation than Jimmy Carter was, when, of course, Carter then got blown out [1:58] by Ronald Reagan back in 1980. [2:01] So where do Americans think this is headed in terms of the cost of living? [2:05] Yeah. Okay. So you see these bad numbers and take a look here. Look at this on cost of living country is on the [2:10] wrong track or right track. Look at this among independents, 75 percent, 75 percent say the wrong track. [2:16] Just nine percent say the right track. Look among Republicans. The plurality of Republicans say that [2:22] the country is on the wrong track when it comes to the cost of living versus just 39 percent, 45 [2:27] versus 39. Donald Trump has lost every single part of this electorate. And when you take his name out of [2:32] the equation, you see even the plurality of Republicans say that the country is on the wrong track when it [2:37] comes to the right track. I don't know which one of these is more surprising. They both are stunning. [2:39] One is that Republicans think the country is on the wrong track economically. Unbelievable. And then [2:44] in that independence, 75, nine is just a mind blowing. It's mind blowing. You just never see [2:47] numbers like that. All right. So what are the prediction markets say, say on an issue that you [2:52] and I care deeply about? Yeah. Beef prices. Beef prices. We're heading into summer. Just take a look [2:56] here. Chance that April 2026 versus 2025, the beef prices are 15 percent higher. According to the [3:02] Calcio prediction market, 75 percent. People are feeling the pain across different issues, including beef [3:08] prices, as well as at the gas tank. How is the president doing right now with African American [3:13] voters, with black voters now versus this point in the first term? Yeah, I think what we're seeing [3:17] right now in the numbers is President Trump and the Republican Party are chipping away at the [3:22] long-term advantage that Democrats have had with black voters, with African Americans. You can see it [3:26] right here. Look, Trump's approval among African Americans at this point in term one, he was at 12 percent. [3:31] You know, he's been losing ground with a lot of people. He's gaining. He's gaining ground with [3:36] African Americans. He's up to 16 percent at this point. And you say, this isn't that big of a [3:40] shift. But I will tell you, Republicans absolutely love this shift that's going on because Democrats [3:46] have had such a long-term advantage. The fact that he's actually gaining ground versus where he was [3:52] in term number one, this has major implications for elections down the line because Democrats, [3:57] especially in a lot of these tight races, you talk about places like Georgia right down in the south, [4:02] you see this type of movement for Trump actually gaining ground. This could have major [4:05] ramifications and help put Republicans over the top in a number of southern places in the midterm [4:10] elections. But do you see this as part of a bigger trend? I see this as absolutely part of a bigger [4:16] trend. Donald Trump's Republican Party is absolutely gaining ground, not just him gaining in terms of [4:22] his approval rating, but look at the party ID margin, Kate, because this to me was absolutely stunning. [4:28] Look at this party ID margin among African Americans at this point in Trump term number one, Democrats had a [4:32] 63-point advantage. That is absolutely falling. Look at where it is now, a double-digit shift away. [4:38] Democrats, of course, still have the advantage, but it's a 12-point shift to the Republican Party. [4:43] And I look back through Gallup's records. They sent me their records. And this, in fact, lead that [4:47] Democrats have is actually smaller than any lead from 2006 to 2021. So Democrats are leading. But again, [4:56] we're talking about chipping away. Republicans are chipping away at this long-term advantage that Democrats have had [5:01] among African Americans. We see it in terms of Trump's approval rating. And we even see it to a [5:06] wider degree among the party ID margin, where all of a sudden there are a number of African Americans [5:11] who are walking away from the Democratic Party and a number of them who are walking into the Republican [5:15] tent. That is very interesting, looking at that past Gallup information. Yeah. What does this mean for [5:20] the race for control in Congress? Okay. So you see this right here. You see this 51-point advantage that [5:25] Democrats have significantly less than you see that 63-point advantage. And what we will note [5:30] was back in 2024, right, Donald Trump put in a historically strong performance among African [5:35] Americans. Democrats perform the worst in the generation. Have they gained any of that coalition [5:41] back from where they fell down to in 2024? But take a look here. Okay. Choice for election among [5:48] African Americans. Kamala Harris was leading amongst that group in the pre-election polling by 63 points. [5:53] Are Democrats gaining back any of that ground? Uh-uh. It's a 62-point advantage now. Republicans are [5:59] holding on to the gains that they made among African Americans in 2024. Republicans are gaining among [6:05] African Americans. They are chipping away at that long-term advantage. The Donald Trump-led Republican [6:09] Party is making gains among African Americans that we simply put have not seen the Republican Party make [6:13] in a generation. If they have this map that gets Republicans four additional seats in Florida, [6:19] what does that do to the national line drawing? Ah, these redistricting wars have gone on forever. I was a [6:26] young man when they first started, and now I'm an elderly old man, although I always kind of felt that [6:31] way. But the bottom line is this. After all the mumbo-jumbo, the most likely house seat gain from [6:37] mid-decade redistricting, well, currently it's Democrats plus three to four seats. If Florida actually [6:42] passes its map and it's implemented, it is a grand total of a zero seat change. So zero, zero, zero, [6:51] zero, if Florida, in fact, actually implements its map and the map from Virginia health. So after [6:57] everything we've done, everything, everywhere we've been right back where we started. So then what do [7:03] the prediction markets say this will do the Florida map at for Democrats chances of retaking the house? [7:09] Basically, no effect. No effect at all. I mean, just take a look here. This is the Calci prediction [7:14] market. Chance that Democrats win the house in 2026. On Sunday, before the maps were debuted, [7:19] it was an 86% chance for the Democrats, the clear majority chance. Now, an 86% chance that Democrats [7:26] actually win the house. So despite Ron DeSantis' efforts, we'll see if they actually do implement [7:31] that map. But at this point, the people who are putting their money where their mouths are, [7:35] they still think that Democrats are the overwhelming favorite, no matter what the man [7:41] from the panhandle state does. Well, why is that then? What are they looking at? What are the polls [7:46] showing overall that indicates that Democrats have this chance? Yeah. Okay. So you look at what's [7:52] going on in the Sunshine State and you see, okay, Democrats still have this 86% chance, still the [7:57] overwhelming favorite. And that is because for all this redistricting, Democrats just have a clear lead [8:02] in the national environment, right? I mean, this is what's going on. We're, you know, trading one seat, [8:06] two seat, three seat, four seat. Generic congressional ballot at this point. Look at this. Democrats have [8:12] a six point advantage. That is double from where they were when Texas started these redistricting [8:16] wars at three points. So this is not about one or two seats. This is about a national environment [8:22] in which Democrats are clearly favored. And this isn't a giant lead. We've seen bigger [8:26] leaves than this, but it's enough in theory to retake the narrow margin they have. But when the [8:33] prediction markets are looking at this in the overall national environment, do they think this [8:37] is even going to be close? Yeah, that's exactly it. You see the six point advantage. You see what's [8:41] going on in Florida. You know, we're talking about maybe a three to four seat shift towards the [8:45] Republicans if that map is in fact implemented. But at this point, the people who are putting their [8:49] money is where their mouths are. Look, chance the Democrats in 2026 win a very small majority, [8:54] exactly 218 to 221 seats, just 1% chance. How about a slightly bigger majority, 222 to 225, [9:00] just a 2% chance. The people who are putting their monies where their mouths are think that [9:04] the majority is going to be much wider than this. They think that Democrats are going to run away [9:07] with the House. So these three to four seat changes just don't really add up to a whole heck of a lot. [9:12] Yeah, you see much bigger numbers north of 225 seats. Correct. This number shows. This is a very [9:16] interesting number to look at here. So betters are basically saying it won't just be a narrow win, [9:21] could be a bigger one. It will be a huge win. And that's why they're at 86% chance. [9:26] A measure that would impose a one time 5% tax on Californians who have at least $1.1 billion. [9:33] It appears to be headed to the ballot. Supporters of the so-called billionaires tax say they now have [9:38] enough signatures to put up before voters in November. CNN chief data analyst, Harry Etten, [9:44] is here. Harry, I think if you're on social media and not from California, [9:47] you're reading a lot about this. There are a lot of people outside California arguing back and forth. [9:53] What do people say inside California right now? You know, I just want to know. John has the hand [9:57] signals and the arm movements. I think I'm rubbing off on him. Look, the bottom line is this. If you [10:01] look at the initial polling, it's very interesting for two reasons. Number one, you look here. Okay, [10:07] the choice for the California billionaire tax measure. You see that the four is leading overall, [10:12] but it's just at 50%, all right? The opposition's at 28%. So that 50% mark, when there's a campaign [10:18] that actually goes on, will it actually be able to rise or fall below that? Among Democrats, [10:22] it's really popular. It's 70% for, 12% against. So what you see here is the clear majority of [10:28] Democrats are for it. The plurality overall are for it too. But the question is, as the campaign [10:34] goes on, will this four actually be able to rise above 50%? Because ballot measures are oftentimes [10:40] difficult to pull. And I'll also note that Mark Schur, once we heard about this, ran right out of the [10:44] room. He had wanted nothing to do with this. He ran away. Okay, so maybe popular right now, [10:48] certainly a plurality, majority of Democrats. There's a big race for governor right now in [10:53] California with a lot of Democrats running. You have a measure here that's got 70% approval right [10:58] now among Democrats. Where do the Democratic candidates land? So again, this is why it's one of the [11:02] reasons so interesting to me. You got the Pauls versus the people. The people here at that 70%. [11:07] But take a look here. Okay, California Dems on the billionaire tax measure. The governor and [11:12] leading gov candidates. Look at those who are opposed on the Democratic side. You got the incumbent [11:16] governor. You got one of the leading candidates. You got another leading candidate. You got Katie [11:20] Porter opposed. Only Tom Steyer is for. And even then, his statements kind of go back and forth a [11:25] little bit, but exactly how you read them. But it appears that he is for this. So we have the clear [11:29] majority of Democrats, Democrats with a D, their party is 70% for. But you look at the candidates [11:35] and or the incumbent governor and Gavin Newsom, they are opposed to it because they're afraid [11:39] that, in fact, the tax base will go out of town and you actually end up with less money [11:43] than you actually had coming in with. What, of course, is interesting about Tom Steyer being [11:47] the one. He is a billionaire. The billionaire is the one on the right side of the screen as [11:51] opposed to the rest of them who are not quite billionaires, at least not quite yet. But hey, [11:56] we can hope for one day. You can always strive. All right. So what are the prediction markets [11:59] saying about this measure right now? And there's a long way to go. I mean, [12:01] there's months and months of campaigning to go. Yeah. Okay. So you see this opposition among the [12:05] Democrats here, right? And you see the 70% of Democrats currently for it here. But when you put [12:11] it all together and there's an actual campaign that goes underway, what are the odds at this point? [12:15] I mean, it's basically even, right? The chance, according to the calcium prediction market, [12:20] that it passes is 48%. The fails is 52%. That includes not even making the ballot. But this for [12:25] the sake of argument is really a 50-50 race. We're just shrugging our shoulders at this particular [12:29] point because the polls say one thing, the polls say another. Let's see if we get a campaign and [12:34] see actually where we end up on this one-time billionaire tax measure. And ballot measures [12:38] are really hard. Oh, they are really, really hard. But we'll keep an eye on it, Johnny. Absolutely. [12:41] Harry, and thank you very much. Thank you very much. Simple question. Who does get the blame? [12:45] And how does that compare historically to past people getting the blame? You know, [12:49] the buck stops at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. Donald John Trump, the president of the United States, [12:56] and to a historic degree, look at this, blame for the increase in gas prices. 77% say, [13:02] Donald Trump, I look back at every president I could find on a similar question, which is, [13:07] when the gas prices rise, who gets the blame? Trump gets the blame more than Joe Biden did back in [13:12] 2022, more than Barack Obama did in 2012, and more than George W. Bush did back in 2005, 71%. [13:19] Donald Trump takes the cake. He owns this mess, according to the American people, [13:23] and it is quite the mess because his gas prices climb ever higher and the increase in the percentage [13:28] that blame Donald Trump climb ever higher, his approval ratings go down into the basement. [13:32] So presidents always get blamed, but he's getting blamed more. [13:35] He is getting blamed more to a historic degree. [13:37] What about the partisan breakdown here? Now, this is where it gets really stunning. Okay. You know, [13:42] we've seen numbers that are this bad for Trump, you know, disapproval rating on gas prices around [13:47] this area, the percentage blaming him for the increase in gas prices around this area. But when [13:51] you break it down by party, this is where it gets, oh my, you know, this is a Republican base that [13:57] has been infatuated with Donald Trump for years. But even here, blame Trump for rising gas prices, [14:02] 55%, a majority of Republicans blame Donald Trump for gas prices. That is the highest ever [14:09] blame for gas prices from one's own party. Then you see 82% of independents. That's the [14:14] highest percentage who blame the president of the United States among independents. Not [14:18] much of a surprise, 95% of Democrats, but majority, majority, majority. Rarely do you get the trifecta [14:24] of majority from across the political spectrum agreeing on something. But here we have it, [14:28] the majority of Republicans, independents, and Democrats all blame Trump for higher gas prices. [14:33] And this is the highest ever from inside one's own party? That is correct. This is the highest [14:37] ever from inside one's party. When you look at the three other presidents that you have on your [14:42] screen right here, that 55% that you see here, blaming the president from in one's own party, [14:48] that is the highest ever. Okay. So the president says it's all worth it. It's worth it to fight this [14:53] war in Iran. What do the American people say? Yeah. Okay. You know, last night as well, [14:57] Rick Scott, the senator from the great state of Florida said the same thing. It was worth it for [15:01] him, despite the fact that we had the higher gas prices. But do the American people agree? [15:05] They don't agree with the president of the United States and they don't agree with the senator from [15:09] the state of Florida. Look at this. Is the Iran war worth higher gas prices? 64% of Americans say no, [15:15] just a third say yes. These are types of numbers we see consistently with this war over and over and [15:21] over again. We're not just getting little majorities. We are getting vast majorities agreeing on [15:25] something. And here we have the vast majority say no, the Iran war is not worth higher gas prices. [15:31] As I said, it is a mess and is a mess in the minds of the American people of the president's own [15:35] making. They already say it's not worth it. They already say they don't like it. What are the [15:39] prediction markets saying about where these gas prices are headed? Yeah. Okay. You think it's bad [15:43] right now? The prediction market, the cash prediction market thinks it's going to get even worse. [15:47] Chance gas prices this year rise above $5 a gallon. Look at this. 74% [15:53] chance say yes, they will. You go back to April 17th. It was just 30% then. So what we've seen is [16:01] this number climb ever higher. The bottom line is this. The situation is getting worse. You see it [16:05] every day at the pump and the cash prediction market, the people who are putting over their [16:08] money where their mouth is, say it will continue to get worse. Most likely. It's a 440 now. It's got [16:12] a ways to go to get to $5. So we'll see. We'll see. Although it's climbing very quickly. [16:16] Harold Lenton, thank you very much. Incumbent Democratic Governor Janet Mills has dropped out [16:21] of the Senate race. They're leaving these two people, Democrat Graham Plattner, to run against [16:27] Republican incumbent Susan Collins, seen as one of the most vulnerable Republicans in the country. [16:33] So how did we get here? CNN chief data analyst Harriet in here with some breaking magic, right? [16:40] This is one of our first breaking magic walls here. You pulled this together in roughly 35 seconds. [16:45] Yes. Okay. So Janet Mills, who's not on this picture right now, the next one. What did she [16:49] see here, maybe? What did she see? She saw that there was no way forward. I mean, just look at [16:54] the primary polling. I mean, look, she was getting blown out. Graham Plattner was up 64% to 26%. Now, [17:01] this is just one of the polls, but I could have shown you any slew of the polls. The bottom line is this. [17:06] Plattner was absolutely crushing Mills, an incumbent governor. He basically came out of nowhere and has [17:13] pretty much led wire to wire in this race. It's quite a stunning political development. She had the [17:19] support of Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer. And part of this is being seen as a generational [17:24] battle inside the Democratic Party. Yeah, absolutely right. I mean, you look at these numbers and you [17:29] see an incumbent governor, a fairly well-liked incumbent governor, in fact, at least within the [17:34] Democratic Party, trailing by nearly 40 points. You go, what the heck is going on out here? Well, this is part [17:39] of a larger trend. I think, you know, you take Maine and you sort of spread it out across the [17:44] political map. How do Democrats feel? Well, the bottom line is this. They say that their elected [17:48] officials in D.C., that they're too old. I mean, look at this, 86% say most D.C. elected officials [17:55] are too old. I mean, that, my goodness gracious, you talk about identify as liberal. Of course, [18:00] Plattner was running from the left. We're talking about an all-time high here, 59%. You put all that [18:05] together. Remember, Joe Biden had to drop out of the 2024 election. And I think that that ghost [18:11] was very much haunting Mills, who's 78 years old, in this race. And you see that, you combine that [18:17] with a Democratic Party that is shifting to the left, and you put those two together, and you had [18:21] a perfect storm for Graham Plattner, who by most accounts has acquired a lot of support in Maine [18:26] and run a fairly good race. Okay, so now this is the race, Graham Plattner against Susan Collins. [18:32] What are the prediction markets saying the odds are? Yeah, okay. So I think a lot of Republicans [18:36] who, you know, obviously there's been a lot of controversy surrounding Graham Plattner, right, [18:41] his tattoo, etc. You look at this and you say, hey, this is a race I want to run. But take a look [18:47] here. Who chanced to win the Maine Senate race? You look at the cash prediction markets. Look at this. [18:52] The Democrats, Graham Plattner has been gaining, has been gaining. He's a 71% chance to win this Senate [18:57] race over the incumbent Susan Collins, whose odds have been falling through the floor. She was at 51%. [19:02] Nine months ago, old enough to have a kid, and now down to 29%. His odds up over 20 points. Her odds, [19:09] Susan Collins' odds, down 20 points. Okay, why? Why? Why, why, why? Very simply put, Susan Collins, [19:16] not popular. Not popular at this point. Look at this. Susan Collins' net popularity, I mean, [19:21] each pollster's last poll, a positive net popularity ring. No polls for Susan Collins. Negative all the polls, [19:27] as Plattner has led in every nonpartisan poll in this race. And I will also note that this is very [19:33] much unlike 2020, when it was not the case that Susan Collins was this unpopular. It's a whole new [19:39] world for Maine and a whole new world for Graham Plattner. And now he's able to look ahead to the [19:43] general election. One of these all polls, no polls. Breaking magic. A first here on CNN News Central. [19:50] I managed to put it all together. I don't know how it was. It's with your moral support. That's it. [19:54] Thank you very much. Things not so good for Keir Starmer right now. You think things are bad here [19:58] in the United States. Why don't you just go across the pond over to the UK? Because things are just [20:03] downright atrocious over there for Keir Starmer. Just take a look here. Britain's satisfied with [20:08] Keir Starmer. Overall, 18, 18%. You can't even drink or smoke anymore when you're 18%. You're below that line. [20:16] That's not good. How about his own party, the voters who voted him in back in 2024? Less than 50% [20:23] of Labor Party voters back in 2024 actually are satisfied with the job that Keir Starmer is doing. [20:29] When less than 50% of your own party voters are satisfied with what is shaken, you know you're [20:35] in bad, bad shape. Wildly unpopular right now. How does it compare to something in American history? [20:40] Okay, so you see this 18% right here. And I just went to myself, hmm, I'm not sure I've ever [20:46] seen a U.S. leader so unpopular. So I went back through the record books and I said, okay, [20:51] popularity ratings. And I was like, who was the worst ever, the lowest ever? And that was [20:56] George W. Bush back in 2008. He came in in one poll with a 20% approval rating. Well, [21:01] I got news for you. 20% is low, but it's higher than 18%. Keir Starmer is less popular right [21:08] now than the least popular American president ever. He is somehow less popular. And Richard Nixon, [21:14] of course, was coming in at about 24% just before he resigned office. So Keir Starmer is less popular [21:21] than Richard Nixon was when he was forced out by Watergate. Keir Starmer, a very unpopular man. [21:27] A lot of people want to put a lot of things in their tea when they look at Keir Starmer over in the [21:31] U.K. This is historically unpopular. What does history tell us about British prime ministers who [21:35] are maybe not even this unpopular? Yeah, okay. So I went back through the history books, right? And I feel [21:40] like all these British prime ministers have had some massive popularity issues, perhaps not as bad [21:44] as Keir Starmer. U.K. prime ministers with his ratings as bad as Keir Starmer's, all of them [21:49] lost or resigned before the next election. That is, their party lost in, of course, the parliamentary [21:55] elections. So Keir Starmer being this unpopular, he'll try and climb out of that hole, climb that [22:00] ladder. But that ladder is going nowhere. He is on a highway to political health. And again, [22:06] so what are the prediction markets saying about whether he will last? And we should note, this [22:09] isn't being voted out necessarily. Correct. This is probably, you know, possibly another outcome. [22:15] Correct. Essentially, it could just be that he resigns office and there's another Labour [22:19] prime minister, okay? So take a look here. Chance Starmer's out of power by the end of August. [22:24] Whoops, this slide, I will now note, is to 62 percent. 62 percent right now. I was just looking at the [22:31] latest data. So the bottom line is this. Keir Starmer in massive political problems right [22:36] now. Chances are, based upon history, he will either be forced out by the end of August. Maybe [22:42] his own party says we've had enough. Or the voters will, in fact, force him out by the end of, let's [22:48] say, this term when we actually have the next general election. Right. By the end of August could [22:53] be a long, hot, uncomfortable summer for Keir Starmer. And I tell you, there's not a lot of AC over [22:57] there in Europe. So it could be really difficult. We were on this set with royal subject Richard [23:01] Quest, who began a sentence with the phrase, the beauty of monarchy. And then Richard was [23:08] concerned about how that line might sound to my American ears. With us now, CNN chief data [23:14] analyst, Harriet. And this isn't about me and my ears, but American ears, the beauty of monarchy. [23:20] How much beauty do Americans see in monarchy? The Americans do not see very much beauty in monarchy [23:26] at all. In fact, they may see some ugliness in monarchy. What are we talking about here? Okay. [23:32] Americans who say a U.S. monarchy would be a good thing. Well, guess what, folks? All the [23:37] percentages on your screen are less than the number five. Only 2% of independents want a U.S. monarchy. [23:43] Just 4% of Republicans want a U.S. monarchy. Just 4% of Democrats want a U.S. monarchy. To put that [23:50] into some perspective, 12% of Americans believe that the U.S. faked the moon landing back in [23:56] 1969. And we're talking about a third to a sixth of that percentage who say that the U.S. monarchy [24:01] would, in fact, be a good thing. They believe that William Daniels played John Adams back in the [24:06] film 1776 for a reason. They do not want a monarchy here in the United States of America. [24:12] Right. And then props to the independents here, outshining both Democrats and Republicans [24:15] on this subject. How do Americans feel about royal news in general, which gets a lot of [24:20] coverage? A lot of coverage. And Americans are saying, enough of this. Enough of this [24:25] stuff. What are we talking about? Okay, we're talking about Americans on U.K. royal news. [24:29] Look at this. Just 32% of Americans care. 63% to, you know, to quote Stephen A. Smith, [24:35] we don't care. We don't care. We've had enough of the royal news. The bottom line is this. [24:40] When you're talking about more than three in five Americans saying, you know what? Go to another [24:44] channel. Go watch the BBC if you want some royal news. I don't believe you. Surely Americans watch [24:49] these big royal events that get broadcast in full across every major network. Yeah. Okay. You don't [24:54] believe me, John Berman, but it's in the numbers, baby. It's in the numbers. Look at this. Viewership [24:59] of major events. Viewership in Americans. Coronation of Charles III. And this is across channels here in [25:03] the United States. It was 10 million. Compare that to what I believe is one of the most American events [25:08] possible. How about the Super Bowl this past year's Super Bowl? Look at this. 126 million. What is that? [25:13] That's 12.6 times as many folks watching the Super Bowl, a pure American event, as opposed to the [25:19] coronation of Charles III. I will note, of course, that this was early in the morning, but of course [25:23] it was across all the major channels too. So I believe that this is a just comparison. I mean, [25:27] this was just on one network. This was on just one network. And this was on what, like five, [25:31] six, seven, eight networks. But the Americans have had enough. And the bottom line is this. His mother [25:36] had, what was it, like triple the audience for her coronation. So interest is declining as well. [25:41] I'm kidding. I can feel my phone going off now already with concerns perhaps over this [25:45] segment. But I will say we won the revolution 250 years ago and we won the viewership battle [25:49] again here. That's exactly right. 250 years, baby. Yes. Paul Giamatti as John Adams. Tremendous. [25:55] Okay.