About this transcript: This is a full AI-generated transcript of Mideast experts discuss how the U.S. blockade could pressure the Iranian regime, published April 14, 2026. The transcript contains 1,696 words with timestamps and was generated using Whisper AI.
"AMNA NAWAZ- For perspective now on the situation with Iran, we get two views. Alan Eyre is now at the Middle East Institute after serving in the U.S. government for four decades. He was part of the Obama administration's negotiating team for the Iran nuclear deal, which President Trump pulled out..."
[0:00] AMNA NAWAZ- For perspective now on the situation with Iran, we get two views.
[0:03] Alan Eyre is now at the Middle East Institute after serving in the U.S. government for four
[0:07] decades. He was part of the Obama administration's negotiating team for the Iran nuclear deal,
[0:13] which President Trump pulled out of in 2018. And Niyad Maliki was born and raised in Iran.
[0:18] And until last year, he was associate director for sanctioned targeting,
[0:22] with a focus on Iran in the U.S. Treasury Department. He's now a senior fellow at the
[0:26] Foundation for the Defense of Democracies. Welcome to you both. Thanks for being here.
[0:30] Thanks for having us. Niyad, I'll begin with you.
[0:32] Will this U.S. naval blockade, will it force the Iranians to change course?
[0:37] I think so. I think it's really, you know, with the blockade, the regime now has two options.
[0:44] Come to its term, you know, come back to the negotiations table and accept some kind of a,
[0:50] if not a full deal, but some agreement to continue to negotiate by some time.
[0:55] Or just accept the fact that the economy is going to collapse. I think domestically,
[1:00] the Iranian regime knows that they're more vulnerable than they are in the battlefield.
[1:05] I mean, as a matter of fact, they shot down the Internet for over 40 days.
[1:08] That's about $50 million a day in economic damages that they're taking on,
[1:13] only because they worry about uprising in country. So they're taking that hit just to avoid any kind
[1:19] of domestic pressure. They're going to face that domestic pressure soon if the blockade is effective.
[1:23] Alan, what do you make of that? Do you think the U.S. blockade will have that impact on the regime?
[1:28] Unfortunately, I'm a little less optimistic than Miad is. I think even if the blockade is perfectly
[1:37] done and effective, it will take too long to have the requisite effect on Iran. Because there's two
[1:43] dynamics here. One is the global economy suffering because the strait is closed. And the other is,
[1:48] whatever pain we can inflict on Iran by a fully effective blockade. But they have land borders.
[1:55] There's other ways of getting things in and out of Iran. So it might be effective over time,
[1:59] but too long a time frame for it to matter. Secondly, it's escalatory. Not just giving Iran
[2:05] more targets to shoot at, but I find it hard to believe the United States is going to try to board,
[2:09] for example, a Chinese vessel or a Pakistani cargo and interdict that and stop that trade. So I think it's
[2:17] partially performative. It helps put some additional pressure on Iran, but it won't get Iran to accept
[2:24] current U.S. terms. What about that, Miad? I mean, the point is here too. Does it incentivize them to
[2:28] come back to the table and negotiate or to see through the threats that they made, which is saying
[2:32] no port in the region will be safe if the blockade goes? You know, I disagree with Alan on the point
[2:37] that there are alternative ways for Iran to continue its trade. You can't truck in $160 million a day in
[2:44] import. There's no alternative to Persian Gulf and Strait of Hormuz for Iran's trade. I mean,
[2:49] you're looking at 90% of its economy really relying on the trade that goes through a Strait of Hormuz.
[2:55] They can't continue to take, they can't sustain running an economy that can't import anything,
[3:00] can't export anything. And then eventually they're going to have to drop their oil extraction.
[3:05] And when you drop your oil extraction because you're running out of oil storage,
[3:08] then you're going to have to shut down your wells. And then you're going to have strikes.
[3:12] You're going to have labor strikes. You won't be able to pay salaries. They have issues with taxation.
[3:17] They can't collect taxes right now because they shut down the internet, because they can't produce
[3:21] metals and they can't produce petrochemicals. So the state of economy is so vulnerable domestically
[3:27] that I don't think anything can replace the export and trade that you rely on through the
[3:31] Persian Gulf. Well, again, I think Miad's right, but I think the time frame is wrong.
[3:36] But in the long run, you're right. A fully effective blockade brings Iran to its knees.
[3:42] But like Cain said, in the long run, we're all dead. And by the time it's effective,
[3:48] the world economy has gone over a cliff because the Strait of Hormuz is closed.
[3:52] We saw during COVID that Iran can get by, it can eek by with drastically decreased economic activity,
[4:00] drastically decreased exports of oil. So yes, he's quite right that it's an effective tool,
[4:07] but not in the time frame we need to put pressure on Iran.
[4:11] What do you see? And let me stick with you for a moment. What do you see
[4:14] as enough pressure, sufficient pressure to bring Iran back to the negotiating table
[4:19] and also that might get it to accept some of the U.S. demand so far? Do you see anything?
[4:24] I don't think that's in our bag of tricks. I think, you know, pressure works best in
[4:29] complement with negotiations. We have enough pressure to bring Iran to the table. Iran
[4:35] wants to come to the table. But once they're at the table, for Iran, this is an existential battle.
[4:42] And so there are certain red lines, just like the U.S. has red lines. If what's most important for the
[4:46] U.S. is the nuclear issue, there's a deal to be had. Unfortunately for President Trump,
[4:54] it's a lot like the JCPOA. And that's one of the reasons why he just wanted to do it.
[4:58] But what's more important than any possible nuclear deal is, again, largely for time reasons,
[5:03] the strait has to be opened as fully as possible, as quickly as possible.
[5:07] Do you see Iran accepting any of those demands or does the U.S. need to rethink them when we're
[5:12] talking about giving up the right to enrichment, opening up the Strait of Hormuz?
[5:15] You know, I think if Iran accepts those 10 demands that President Trump put before them,
[5:22] then on that day, I would say that there was a regime change. I think the 10 demands that we
[5:26] put before them, if they accept all 10, then I would say the regime changed, because they really
[5:31] changed what the principles of these regimes, you know, not supporting these terrorist proxies,
[5:36] the enrichment of uranium that they have been, really, they have invested close to three,
[5:41] hundreds of billions of dollars in the nuclear enrichment program. If the Iranians accept all 10
[5:46] points, then it would be a really different regime that we're dealing with. That's why I don't
[5:50] think they're going to accept the 10. I think with this regime, you can't get a deal that would
[5:56] serve our national security interest. And I think with blockade, we have an opportunity to either
[6:02] really see a regime that would change its behavior, which I would say regime change,
[6:07] or really a collapse in Iran's economy, which is going to lead to an opposition movement.
[6:12] Alan, do you see, where do you see the U.S. line that might exist for the resumption of military
[6:18] operations here? I think it's, I mean, President Trump has already said that he might do limited
[6:23] strikes. I think for domestic political reasons, he's loath to do that, because it will spook the
[6:29] markets and lead to further economic price rises. But he's clearly exasperated. He's only got one gear,
[6:37] and that's increased pressure. And that's not working. So I don't know what the next step is. I mean,
[6:43] unfortunately, this administration, U.S. administration, is both unwilling and unable
[6:48] to do serious, sustained negotiations. So a diplomatic solution is even harder for that reason.
[6:55] So, yeah, it's hard for me to find a way out of this mess.
[6:59] Yeah, we should point out, as we speak here, Vice President Vance has been on Fox,
[7:02] and he's repeatedly saying that the ball is in the Iranians' court. What do you see the Iranians doing
[7:06] in this moment? You know, I think we just, I think at this point, they're just trying to think how they
[7:12] can cause some, you know, increased costs on the blockade, you know, whether it's going to be some
[7:17] asymmetric operations against, you know, tankers that are in the Persian Gulf, going after some,
[7:23] you know, some of the oil refinery or oil facilities in the Gulf. They're probably in the planning phase,
[7:28] because they understand this blockade is going to lead to economic collapse internally. It'll be really
[7:34] the end of the way that our economy is set up right now. And back to Alan's point, you know,
[7:39] I think the diplomatic approach with this regime is just not going to work at this point. I think
[7:46] there's nothing but pressure that you can really focus on to bring this regime to either accept
[7:51] some of the terms you're putting before them, or really just let the Iranians take the government
[7:56] back. You know, the regime that killed 40,000, I think the numbers are much higher, 40,000 innocent
[8:03] Iranians in 48 hours. It's not a type of regime that you can make a peaceful deal with. They
[8:08] shut down the internet for 47 days, who would do that? I mean, you cut the entire population out of
[8:14] the international communication systems. I don't think anything other than pressure would work with
[8:18] this regime at this point. Alan, I'll give you the last word here. Miad says,
[8:21] no chance of any diplomatic deal to get out of this. You say?
[8:25] I think that's very unlikely, too. Again, it's peculiarly American misconception
[8:30] to think that every problem has a solution. We shouldn't have entered this war. There
[8:34] was no need to. It was unnecessary. And at this point, I think we should be looking not
[8:39] for the ideal solution, but just the least bad solution.
[8:43] Alan Eyre, Miad Maliki, very good to see you both. Thank you so much.
[8:46] Thank you for having us.
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