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Is capitalism fuelling today’s wars? Varsha Gandikota & Jason Hickel — Reframe

April 29, 2026 24m 4,501 words
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About this transcript: This is a full AI-generated transcript of Is capitalism fuelling today’s wars? Varsha Gandikota & Jason Hickel — Reframe, published April 29, 2026. The transcript contains 4,501 words with timestamps and was generated using Whisper AI.

"What's the role of money, of finance, of our international trade system and especially how does it link to what we're seeing in Iran? There is universal demand for US dollars because that's the currency in which oil is traded. What this means is that the US can print money and purchase real goods..."

[0:00] What's the role of money, of finance, of our international trade system and especially how [0:05] does it link to what we're seeing in Iran? There is universal demand for US dollars because that's [0:11] the currency in which oil is traded. What this means is that the US can print money and purchase [0:16] real goods from the rest of the world effectively for free. But of course, you know, Iran and any [0:21] other sovereign-seeking movement in West Asia rejects this arrangement. They want to be able [0:26] to sell their oil and other resources in whatever currency they choose. But this is a very serious [0:32] threat to US imperial privilege. With Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu partnering in wars [0:46] across the Middle East, could the root cause of today's conflicts lie in capitalism itself? [0:51] And are these wars, in fact, the continuation of centuries of colonialism and economic policies [0:57] that favor the interests of the richest and most powerful nations? [1:02] I'm Varsha Gandikota and El Lutla. I lead the Progressive International and I also serve as the [1:07] Executive Secretary for The Hague Group, a forum for governments coordinating legal and diplomatic [1:13] action for Palestine. This week on Reframe, I'll be speaking to Jason Hickle, a political economist and [1:19] prominent critic of capitalist imperialism. Author of two books, Less is More and The Divide, he explores [1:28] what it would mean politically and economically to redistribute the world's wealth and save the planet. [1:37] Jason, welcome to Al Jazeera Reframe. Thanks very much. Nice to be with you. [1:41] I want to begin by asking, in the first few months of 2026, the United States government has kidnapped [1:48] Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, blockaded Cuba from receiving a single drop of oil, threatened to [1:54] invade Greenland, proposed luxury towers to be built on the rubble of Gaza, and now begun a catastrophic [2:01] war in Iran. To most people watching, this looks like utter chaos. Some might argue it's a sudden, dramatic [2:08] escalation of imperialist violence. How do you see it? What's actually happening? [2:13] Now, I think that the key thing to understand is that this is not just like random violence. It appears to be chaotic, [2:19] but I think we have to understand the key structural determinants that drive this kind of expression of [2:23] violence. And to me, it's very clear this is an expression of particular dimensions of the capitalist [2:30] world system, right? Now, the thing about capitalism is that it's always been structured as a world [2:35] economy with capital accumulation and growth and consumption in the core states, what we call the [2:41] West or the Global North, relying very heavily on cheap nature, cheap resources and cheap labor from the [2:47] Global South on a really massive scale. I mean, billions of tons of materials and hundreds of [2:53] billions of hours of human labor and trillions of dollars of value net appropriated from the Global [2:57] South each year. And this has been going on for the entire history of capitalism, 500 years. [3:03] But what about West Asia particularly? For me, it plays geographically the role of being the center of [3:08] the world, connecting Europe to Asia, the North to the South. What role does it play in this kind of [3:13] structural explanation of the core being threatened by the periphery, as you say? [3:18] Yeah, so the crucial thing, I think, to understand is the fact that the Imperial [3:22] core has to intervene constantly in the Global South to maintain subordination among Global South [3:28] states. Why is West Asia so important in the world system? It's, as you said, literally, it's the [3:32] center of the world at the hinge of Asia and Africa and Europe, where 25% of, you know, of sea-traded oil [3:40] goes through the Strait of Hormuz and 25% of container shipping goes through the Red Sea. [3:46] I mean, this is a, it's a crucial node in the world system. And if we imagine a scenario where [3:51] West Asia is liberated and has democratic control over their own resources and their own production [3:56] and can sell their own oil outside the US dollar and can determine control over their own trade routes [4:01] and can produce and consume for themselves, right? I mean, imagine that this is fundamentally [4:06] incompatible with the interests of US capital. And so for our entire lives, I mean, since the middle [4:11] of the 20th century, they've made every effort to intervene to shape the political landscape of that [4:16] region to prevent any real sovereign development or any real liberation in West Asia. And that's [4:22] exactly what's happening today with Iran. I want to ask you about something else. I think most of our [4:26] viewers watching this would not be surprised about the people of the Global South being punished for [4:31] liberation attempts. We've certainly seen it throughout history, violence that was meted out to [4:37] anti-colonial uprisings, whether by the French empire in Algeria, the British empire in my country, [4:41] in India, the Spanish empire in Latin America. But I think the key difference is that we see these [4:47] dynamics as things of the past, that we now live in a new post-colonial world order, [4:52] when nation states more or less are left alone, or that their sovereignty is respected. So how new or [4:58] not new is this logic, really? I mean, I think it's new for anyone who hasn't been paying attention. [5:03] But for people that pay attention to history at all, I think it's very clear this is a continuation [5:07] of a very long-standing pattern. So in the middle of the 20th century, there was an extraordinary [5:13] resurgence of anti-colonial movements in the Global South that succeeded in overthrowing our colonial [5:18] occupiers and went about setting up sovereign states, building economic sovereignty. This is a profound [5:26] threat to capital accumulation in the West. And they went about intervening immediately in the mid-20th [5:33] century to destroy these movements. So we saw, for example, you know, with Patrice Lumumba, who set [5:39] about to nationalize his country's mineral resources for the benefit of the Congolese people. He was [5:44] assassinated in a coup backed by the US and Belgium, his body cut up and burned in a barrel. [5:51] Or take Sukarno, the first independent president of Indonesia, who was deposed in a US-backed coup in 1967, [6:00] replaced with a brutal dictator backed by the US, who went on to murder more than one million people [6:06] who were his political opponents. We saw the same thing with the US invasion of Vietnam and the, you [6:14] know, the obliteration of North Korea in the middle of the 20th century. The invasions and regime change [6:20] operations against, you know, Iraq and Libya and Syria. Every time there's a state that exhibits any [6:24] kind of sovereign seeking potential, seeks to break out of, you know, US-led global supply chains, [6:29] there's this kind of intervention. Yeah, so it's not just punishment for political independence, [6:35] which I think the majority of the world understands, but punishment for economic independence. [6:40] We're seeing that now, in fact, Zambia in this very moment, as a leaked report of the New York Times says, [6:45] the United States is leveraging their HIV AIDS funding to the Zambian health authorities in order [6:51] to ensure that they submit to a deal that gives the United States access to copper. And Zambia is one [6:56] of the largest copper producing nations in the world. And this is a source of great frustration for the [7:01] United States because that market currently is mainly accessed by China. But I want to ask you about [7:07] this logic of punishment. It's not just to global South states, is it? It's really even to their own [7:13] friends if they threaten this logic. Yeah, it's interesting. So, I mean, in terms of the, you [7:18] know, what the US does to other Western states is quite, is quite enlightening, I think. The past [7:23] half century or more is full of examples of the US intervening in elections in European states to [7:29] prevent the rise of socialists or other, or communists or other left-wing parties to power, [7:34] right? This is very clear in the case of Greece, in the case of Italy. I mean, there was even, [7:38] there were plans for a US invasion of Portuguese territory, you know, in the case of a communist [7:43] government coming to power in Portugal. But remember, there was a time when socialism was a [7:47] very popular idea. And there's an extraordinary attempt to prevent that because the US needs [7:52] Western Europe to be aligned with its, with its broader imperial projects, not because it wants [7:58] allies as such, but because it wants to use Western Europe as effectively a bridgehead to West Asia, [8:02] right? And to the rest of Asia. And so the US requires, you know, access to the territories of [8:08] Western Europe in order to establish military bases and project power. And this is effectively actually [8:13] what NATO is about, in fact. You know, we have this idea that NATO is some kind of defensive alliance [8:19] for the West, but it hasn't functioned that way in decades now. So I think we have to understand [8:24] very clearly, you know, what these institutions are actually for. But why is the US able to do this? [8:30] Sorry to sound naive, but we, of course, know that the United States is the largest military power [8:36] in the world. But all of its assaults aren't purely militaristic. All of its assaults aren't purely [8:41] through NATO. So what's the role of money, of finance, of our international trade system? And [8:47] especially how does it link to what we're seeing in Iran at the moment as we're speaking? [8:52] I think one of the key elements is, of course, the petrodollar. And so if you think about the [8:57] the crazy imperial privilege that the US, you know, achieves from the fact that there is universal [9:04] demands for US dollars, because that's the currency in which oil is traded. And everybody needs oil, [9:09] everyone needs energy, right? And so there's perpetual demand for the US dollar. What this means is that [9:13] the US can effectively print money and purchase real goods from the rest of the world effectively [9:19] for free. Basically, the agreement is, you know, you all have to sell your oil in US dollars. And [9:26] we're going to establish US military bases in your territory, which will protect you. Of course, [9:30] this turns out to be a complete lie, as we've been seeing in the current conflagration. But what's [9:36] interesting is that, of course, you know, Iran and any other sovereign seeking movements in West Asia [9:41] rejects this arrangement. They want to be able to sell their oil and other resources in whatever currency [9:47] they choose without being forced to sell in the US dollar. But this is a very serious threat to US [9:54] imperial privilege. I mean, it would dramatically reduce effectively the purchasing power of the [9:59] United States over the rest of the world's products, you know, slowing down growth and capital [10:03] accumulation in the US. There's, of course, also the SWIFT system, which is the international banking [10:08] system that governs almost all transactions in international trade. The US has a tremendous amount of [10:14] power over the SWIFT system. And any country that the US, you know, wants to harm or crush or punish [10:21] for any reason whatsoever, it can effectively sanction them and remove them from SWIFT, making it very [10:26] difficult for them to conduct transactions. And this is exactly what they've done to Iran. It's what [10:30] they've also done to Russia. I think this highlights the urgent need that we have for Global South countries [10:36] to begin developing their own alternatives. We need more democratic payment system run by and for Global [10:43] South states. We need oil and other commodities to be able to be traded outside of the US and other [10:49] core currencies. This is crucial for the sovereignty of Global South countries. I don't know if you [10:54] believe that there are any exceptions to this. If the US ever steps back, my experience of dealing [10:59] with this is through the COVID-19 pandemic, where, of course, countries like Cuba couldn't access [11:04] materials like syringes to give out vaccines and doses for their own population. Countries like Venezuela [11:10] and Iran were requesting a temporary waiver on sanctions, not even for them to be rolled back, [11:15] but just for the moment of the duration of the pandemic, so they could buy medicines in the market, [11:19] which the World Health Organization also referred to as adding to an already strained system. And yet, [11:27] the United States refused. So how bloodless are these non-militaristic wars really for the people [11:33] in these sanctioned countries? The way that the US tries to portray it is that sanctions are some [11:38] kind of alternative to war, like some kind of soft power, right? Like, we're not going to invade you, [11:42] we're not going to destroy you, but we're going to punish you lightly with economic sanctions. [11:47] This couldn't be further from the truth. There was a study published recently in The Lancet's Global Health [11:52] that found that since 1971, unilateral sanctions imposed by the US and the European Union [11:59] on the Global South countries have killed 38 million people in the Global South. That's over [12:05] half a million people every year. This is the defining element of warfare in the modern world economy, [12:12] because this is absolutely crucial to the success of Western capitalism. And when you begin to consider [12:19] the scale of the violence and damage that is inflicted as a result of this system, [12:23] then it becomes clear that it's not something that we can continue to accept. [12:27] Well, let's talk about what's happening in the US itself. All of this is unfolding against the [12:32] revelations of the Epstein files. Even as we, you know, struggle to reckon with the incredible harm [12:39] that's been meted out to the survivors of sexual assault, another darker picture comes into view, [12:43] that of a small group of global elites seemingly operating with complete impunity. What does that tell [12:51] you about how power really operates in the system? I mean, I think that the revelations in the Epstein [12:58] files happening at exactly the same time as the genocide against Palestine, I think is very, very [13:02] telling because this is the effectively the transatlantic ruling class who are willing to inflict [13:08] absolutely extraordinary violence against children, right, who they've basically trafficked for sex [13:17] in elite circles. The very same people are the ones who inflicted extraordinary genocidal violence [13:23] against the people of Palestine. They're the same people who have been carpet bombing Iran. And so I [13:26] think it's quite striking to realize like the depravity of the transatlantic ruling classes. But the other [13:34] key element of the Epstein file revelations is simply that it does, it gives us a picture of [13:39] this elite that makes decisions in completely unaccountable ways. Like there's no democratic [13:43] transparency or accountability to the decisions they're making. They make them entirely in their [13:47] own interests. They don't care about the working class whatsoever. I mean, they demonstrate their [13:51] willingness to absolutely abuse people. This should be a wake-up call to realize that, you know, we say [13:57] we live in these political democratic systems, but fundamentally they're deeply corrupt. And what we need is a [14:02] real democratic system that can actually use democracy to subordinate the interests of the [14:07] current ruling class, because they're destructive to us and to our societies. And something fundamentally [14:13] different is required. Yes. Incredible to watch Joe Kent, who is the former head of the counter-terrorism [14:19] intelligence unit of the United States, quit his job announcing just this, that in fact Iran did not [14:25] pose any credible military threat to the United States, but that it was Israel that made the case for the [14:31] strikes to begin. I mean, anyone who thinks that Iran posed a legitimate threat, like wanted to attack [14:37] the USA, the territory of the United States or Europe, this is absolutely crazy. Why would Iran want to do [14:43] that? And the idea that Iran or other Global South countries pose some kind of military threats to [14:50] the West, I mean, this is complete propaganda. Take Iran's military budget. It is 0.5% that of the United States, [14:57] 0.5%. And that's the only the U.S. Forget its NATO allies. Or look at China. And China is one that [15:05] they're always talking about major, you know, military threat to the USA. Again, China's military [15:10] spending per capita is below the global average. So, I mean, the real threats to peace and stability in the [15:17] world are the imperial powers who have massive overdeveloped military capacity, with the capacity to [15:24] inflict their will anywhere on the planet. These are the people that are responsible for chaos and [15:30] instability in our world. At the beginning of March, Pete Hexit, the U.S. Defense Secretary, criticized Iran [15:36] for their military spending. He came out to say the Iranian people are upset with their government for [15:41] spending all their money on missiles and launchers, as opposed to spending it on healthcare and education. [15:47] And I find this incredible for, because there are two ironies in there. One, of course, as you say, the United States is the [15:53] largest defense spender in the world. But in addition, exactly as you're saying, it's the Global South [15:59] countries that are constantly under threat and being pushed into more and more of a security state logic, [16:06] forcing, being forced to arm and defend themselves with greater and greater military budgets. But let's [16:12] bring it back to the Global North. Based on what you're telling us today, it seems that some of the most advanced [16:18] economies of the world are in fact the greatest autocracies, not necessarily in the political [16:23] sphere where we get to vote, but in the economic sphere where we don't. What does this mean for [16:28] the quality of life for the people living in these countries in the Global North? [16:32] Yeah, I think this is an important one. So when people think of capitalism, they often think of things [16:37] like markets and businesses and trade, right? But this is not what capitalism is. These things existed for [16:42] thousands of years before capitalism and they've taken many different forms. So what is capitalism? It's when [16:46] production in the economy is controlled by a small faction of the society. So the richest one percent, [16:53] the large commercial banks, the large corporations, et cetera, who get to determine, this is capital, [16:58] right? Get to determine the direction of production, what gets produced and so on. And the result is that [17:02] we get really perverse forms of production. We get massive investments of production in production of [17:06] things like SUVs and fast fashion and cruise ships and the military industrial complex, which are highly [17:14] profitable to capital. But we get chronic underproduction of obviously necessary things like affordable housing, [17:21] renewable energy, agroecological food production, et cetera, et cetera. Things that we obviously need for our [17:28] well-being are actually underproduced. And so the result is that we have this crazy system where we have [17:32] overproduction to the point of blowing past planetary boundaries, causing ecological crisis on a world scale, and yet we have mass human [17:40] deprivation at the same time. Even in the core states, in the US and Europe, there's actually substantial human [17:46] deprivation. I was just reading recently that over 100 million people in the imperial core are food insecure. [17:53] They cannot access something as basic as stable, secure access to food. Think about this. Can we really [17:59] say we live in a democracy when we will go to the streets to denounce these wars that are being conducted by our [18:05] ruling classes? And they just don't care. They just keep doing it. There's no accountability. I think [18:11] this really has to be like a reckoning for people. If the opposite of capitalism is, for you, [18:18] genuine economic democracy, is there anywhere in the world that you see this happening where people [18:23] actually determine what the government spends their money on? That capital is being redirected towards [18:29] social good, not towards profit, but for what people actually need. Like you say, food and healthcare. [18:35] I think there's lots of interesting examples of this. So if we talk about economic democracy, this is [18:39] when production is organized around meeting human needs. For example, in China, China has very robust [18:47] industrial policy, including a very robust public finance system. And this means that China can organize [18:52] investment and production around achieving the kinds of development that are necessary for the national [18:57] development plans. They're the leading producer of renewable technologies and also installer of [19:02] renewable capacity. They also undertook a targeted poverty alleviation campaign, which lifted hundreds [19:10] of millions of people out of out of poverty in a fairly short period of time as a result of targeted policy [19:16] around this around this objective. China is a bit of an exception in the current day system, isn't it? The scale [19:22] and the size of the country, which does give it much more autonomy than some of the smaller [19:27] countries that we're talking about, which do find themselves subordinated in the global South system. [19:32] Do we still have any way out? Well, another interesting example is Cuba, I think, which is [19:38] which is worth talking about now. I think that we have to recognize the gains that Cuba has been able to [19:41] achieve by being able to direct what resources it does have towards social objectives. With efforts to [19:49] organize production around human needs, they've been able to achieve really astonishing social outcomes, [19:53] even so. But look, I think that's that ultimately liberation for the South is going to have to be [19:58] more than just, you know, individual countries doing what they can in terms of domestic policy. I think [20:03] that is going to require coordination and collaboration across global South states. [20:07] Let's talk about that. I mean, you've talked earlier about essentially the labor of the global South, [20:12] the labor of the developing countries of the world being the engine that produces everything in the [20:17] world today. Let's flip that on its head. What would it take for the people of the global South to [20:22] actually coordinate collectively and really halt this machine? [20:27] Ninety percent of the labor that powers the world economy and international trade is performed in [20:31] the global South. Ninety percent of the world's resources are in the territories of the global South. [20:38] The world economy depends fundamentally on the lands and labor of of the global South. And so, [20:43] you know, with a realization of the potential political power that lies in South-South cooperation [20:52] and integration, there's extraordinary things that can be achieved. This was attempted with the formation [20:58] of the new international economic order, which was passed in the halls of the UN General Assembly in the [21:03] early 1970s, which was an attempt by global South states to say, look, we have a right to economic [21:08] sovereignty and to cooperate in our own interests. And we will do so. This was, of course, deeply [21:14] threatening to the interest of capital in the core states. And they sought to and succeeded in [21:19] effectively crushing the principles of the NIO. Today, there's actually an effort by many in the [21:25] global South to kind of revive the principles of the NIO through South-South collaboration. And we see [21:31] this also, I think, to some extent in the form of the Hague Group as well. And I know you've been involved [21:36] with both the new NIO and the Hague Group. And I'd be interested in hearing your reflections on this. [21:40] I think it's really interesting that you bring up the new international economic order, because the [21:45] general myth around which of course has died, it no longer exists. And like you say, there are now new [21:50] attempts to revive it. But the often repeated refrain is that it was bound to die, not that it died due to [21:57] specific historical reasons. As you say, it was killed, in fact, with many of its leaders assassinated [22:04] at that time, precisely to prevent this from coming about. And that often slides into perhaps racist [22:11] phenomenon, which is essentially to say, oh, these African-Asian countries, they could never [22:15] possibly get along and actually work together. And as for the Hague Group, I think there's something [22:20] even more powerful at the core of it. The Hague Group is a coalition of countries that work together to [22:26] essentially perform state action, legal and diplomatic, to uphold international law. But they're saying [22:33] something else, which is we will not use our land and our labor. We will not allow our arms to go [22:38] through ports. We will not allow our factories to produce, you know, these weapons that then kill [22:43] Palestinians. You talked about the Strait of Hormuz and the petrodollar and West Asia being the central [22:50] node of the world. Something extraordinary has happened in March of this year, which is Iran, like you said, [22:57] announcing to the world that it will allow safe passage, but only if countries buy its oil in Chinese [23:03] one in the renminbi as opposed to the United States dollar. Do you see this as a kind of circuit [23:09] breaking moment? Will it mark a before and after in its wake? I think this is a major historical [23:15] development. I think Iran has effectively announced to the world that we understand, you know, how this [23:22] current world economy works. We understand the key choke points and we want something different. There's that. [23:27] But also furthermore, the very fact that one of Iran's objectives and their demands is the removal [23:33] of U.S. military bases from West Asia. Because, I mean, right now there are over 800 U.S. military bases [23:39] around the world that the U.S. uses to police any country that seeks any kind of departure from U.S. [23:46] economic interests or geopolitical interests. Is there any other country that comes close to that number [23:51] of military bases around the world? Not even close. I think that China, you know, China is an enormous [23:57] country, 1.4 billion people. It has one foreign military base. I mean, it's just, it's, I mean, [24:04] this is imperial power. And I think that's, you know, for every person that watched the genocide [24:09] live stream to their phones, this is a realization they've had in their hearts that this cannot go on. [24:15] It's fundamentally against humanity. There is no humanity and we must build it. We must build a [24:21] reality where all are treated equally, where all have equal rights under international law. [24:25] And that reality does not exist right now. And it will not exist as long as we have this [24:29] arrangement of geopolitical power in the world. And it's precisely that that must be overcome [24:34] before we can realize our potential as humanity. Jason Hickle, thank you so much for joining us [24:39] today. And it's been a pleasure having you on Al Jazeera Reframe. Thank you.

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