About this transcript: This is a full AI-generated transcript of Fmr. Defense Secretary Austin: 'I certainly don't believe we've seen a regime change', published April 10, 2026. The transcript contains 1,601 words with timestamps and was generated using Whisper AI.
"In his first televised interview in the U.S. since leaving the Biden administration, we're gratified to be joined by former Defense Secretary in the Biden administration, Lloyd Austin. Secretary Austin is among the most accomplished Pentagon officials in military history, having served as vice..."
[0:00] In his first televised interview in the U.S. since leaving the Biden administration,
[0:04] we're gratified to be joined by former Defense Secretary in the Biden administration, Lloyd
[0:08] Austin. Secretary Austin is among the most accomplished Pentagon officials in military
[0:13] history, having served as vice chief of staff of the Army and head of U.S. Central Command,
[0:18] or CENTCOM, before joining Joe Biden's cabinet as the nation's first African-American Secretary
[0:23] of Defense. Secretary, thank you so much for joining us.
[0:27] My pleasure.
[0:27] Well, you published a weighty op-ed in The New York Times this week titled Now We Know
[0:33] What a Modern War Looks Like, where you outline the lessons the U.S. can already take away
[0:38] from this war with Iran. More on those lessons in just a minute. But first, I just have to
[0:43] ask you, if you were sitting in Pete Hegseth's shoes 40 days ago, would you have advised the
[0:49] president to launch this war?
[0:52] Well, I certainly won't speculate on what I would have done or not done. I will say that
[0:57] I know a lot about this problem set, having been the Central Command commander and served
[1:01] so long in the U.S. military and having fought in Iraq. And so I know a lot about the region.
[1:11] I don't know what the dynamics were that led to the decision. I would just say that the president
[1:16] of the United States has access to a lot of very detailed and good information. He gets input
[1:24] from a number of advisers, his secretary of state, in addition to the secretary of defense,
[1:31] but the director of national intelligence, the director of the CIA. And so there's a lot
[1:38] that goes into that decision. I don't know what the inputs were, what our allies were saying,
[1:47] and certainly we are a part of an alliance that includes Israel. And so I don't know what the
[1:56] exchanges were there. But clearly, you know, I think now it's time to focus on, so we are where
[2:05] we are, it's time to focus on where we go from here. What, you know, what do we do about it? And
[2:09] where do we want to wind up? Sure. We know that there's a huge difference between having a military
[2:14] plan versus a strategic plan. Do you think that the U.S. has met its strategic objectives in this war?
[2:21] Well, we've never really been clear about what the strategic objectives were. We've seen that bounce
[2:27] around quite a bit. What I would tell you is that as a secretary of defense and also as a combatant
[2:35] commander, I worked hard each and every day to make sure that I understood what the strategic
[2:41] objectives were and that the operational and tactical objectives enabled us accomplishing
[2:49] those strategic objectives. Well, let's talk about some of those strategic objectives. One of them was
[2:54] to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon. They portrayed it as an imminent threat. Was it?
[3:00] I don't know. Again, I didn't have access to the intelligence reads that the president would have
[3:07] had. But from what I know about going into this, I don't think that they would have been close to
[3:15] developing a nuclear weapon capability because of some of the things that were done back in June.
[3:22] And so I think everyone was a bit surprised just to hear that we were concerned that they were that,
[3:30] you know, the development of a weapon was imminent. Now, your experience in the army includes commanding
[3:38] combat forces in both Iraq and in Afghanistan. And you wrote in your op-ed, the Iran war is strikingly
[3:43] different from America's other recent wars in the Middle East and Afghanistan and that it looks more
[3:48] like the Russia-Ukraine war. What did you mean by that? Well, what we're seeing, Juju, is a lot of
[3:56] use of a lot of unmanned aerial vehicles or drones, the rapid development of additional surveillance
[4:05] capabilities. We're seeing things like loitering munitions, you know, in this fight. And that's
[4:11] having an impact that some did not anticipate. Now, as we enable Ukraine in its fight against Russia,
[4:23] we certainly went to school on what was happening in that fight. We studied, you know, what Russia was
[4:31] doing and how Ukraine was responding to that. And we learned a lot of lessons. And one of the things
[4:37] that we learned was the value of inexpensive, expendable capabilities like drones that can be
[4:49] married with our higher end capabilities to increase our overall capabilities.
[4:54] You talked about the lack of clarity of strategic objectives. What is the exit strategy if regime
[5:01] change, for example, is something that was talked about? And can that be achieved without boots on the
[5:07] ground? My view is that it's not possible to typically to achieve a change of regime without
[5:19] some some boots on the ground. And I don't think an air campaign alone will do that. I also think that if
[5:27] you really want to see a regime change, then work needs to have been done with the with the elements
[5:35] in country. And I'm not saying that that hasn't been done, you know, with some of the people in
[5:39] countries so that they're ready to take fill the vacuum when there is an absence of leadership.
[5:47] I don't I certainly don't believe we've seen a regime change. We've seen a leadership change.
[5:52] I think the regime remains intact. They control the the straight. They still have the ability to to go
[6:01] after a nuclear weapon if they choose to do so. And and they still have some ballistic missile capability.
[6:07] And decapitation is different than regime change at this point. And we've seen a buildup of forces
[6:13] in the region. Would you advise boots on the ground? I certainly don't think at this point that that's
[6:23] that's something that I would I would advise. I think there are other ways to go about addressing this
[6:28] problem. Well, a high number and a huge number of high profile senior military officers have left
[6:34] or have been removed. Many minorities, women and upper ranks, including the army's top general just
[6:41] last week. Do these removals concern you? Absolutely they concern me. These are very experienced
[6:48] professionals that have have earned their the right to occupy the positions that they occupied.
[6:56] They were the best people available to to fill those positions. And when they walk out the door,
[7:05] they take with them an incredible amount of experience and in, you know, sound leadership
[7:13] that I that I worry about. Now, clearly, there are others that that can that will fill the spaces. But
[7:20] but but knowing all of these officers personally, I can tell you that that we've we've seen some fine,
[7:27] really fine officers depart. You mentioned allies and partners and a lot of the advice that you gave in
[7:33] the op ed involves our alliances. And I wonder you write not one country, not even America can carry that
[7:40] burden alone. Given that, what is your reaction to President Trump's recent truth social post slamming
[7:47] NATO and calling the alliance very disappointing? I certainly won't comment on on on the president's
[7:55] statements. But but I can tell you what I what I know about NATO in the countries in NATO and how committed
[8:02] they are to to ensuring that there is a sustainable, enduring peace throughout the region. They've worked
[8:13] together in ways recently that we've not seen them work together before. And I think the United States was
[8:18] a was a key part of that. You know, we worked hard to make sure that we pulled NATO closer together. We
[8:23] actually enlarged NATO and NATO is a defensive alliance. It is the most effective defensive
[8:30] alliance in the history of the world. And and so I think the only time that, you know, article five, article
[8:40] five of that treaty has ever been invoked is when we were attacked on 9 11. NATO countries came to our
[8:48] assistance in Afghanistan. And some of them paid a pretty significant price. I have every reason to
[8:54] believe that if something were to happen again, they they would they would do the same thing in
[8:59] accordance with the with the rules of the alliance. I think that you'll see our European allies and allies
[9:05] from and partners from around the globe begin to work together to to try to add value to this this
[9:13] significant issue that we have in the strait. And I would say that, you know, this is a not just a US
[9:24] or American issue. This this is an issue for every country around the globe. Freedom of navigation is
[9:31] important to every country on this planet. There is so much turmoil in the world throughout the world. I
[9:39] wonder, you know, as you think across the regions, what keeps you up at night? Well, you know, I I
[9:51] a number of things, you know, concern me. I do worry about, you know, losing the support of our allies
[10:02] and partners and our inability to to continue to work together in in meaningful ways. I do worry about
[10:10] the US continuing to be able to exercise a sound leadership from from, you know, and influence
[10:23] our allies and partners in in in the right way. And I I do think that that's going to continue to
[10:29] happen. But it's not a given. I think that's something we're going to have to continue to work
[10:33] at. Secretary Austin, thank you for your service. Thank you for your thoughts. And thanks for joining us.
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